Black Power: Perbezaan antara semakan

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==Rangkuman beberapa ideologi==
==Rangkuman beberapa ideologi==
Penganut fahaman 'Black Power' ini percaya kepada kuasa autonomi kulit hitam yang terangkum dalam beberapa idelogi seperti nasionalisme kulit hitam, penentuan nasib sendiri kulit hitam dan pemisahan kulit hitam. Fahaman-fahaman ini bercanggah dengan aliran utama gerakan hak awam yang tidak tegar pada masa itu. Ketua-ketua ''Civil Rights Movement'' pada masa itu mempelopori taktik-taktik yang lebih pasif dan aman manakala taktik-taktik gerakan ''Black Power'' ebih militan. Stokely Carmichael dan Charles V. Hamilton perbah berkata, "cara tanpa kekerasan merupakan hak yang tidak mampu dimiliki oleh masyarakat kulit hitam dan merupakan kemewahan yang tidak sepatutnya diberikan kepada orang kulit putih." <ref>{{cite book|last1=Ture|first1=Kwame|last2=Hamilton|first2=Charles|title=Black Power: The Politics of Liberation|date=1967|publisher=Random House|isbn=0679743138|page=53}}</ref> "Namun, banyak kumpulan dan individu - termasuk [[Rosa Parks]],<ref>Jeanne Theoharis, [http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p_mla_apa_research_citation/5/2/2/1/9/p522193_index.html?phpsessid=52461e5fbc3ff8d78be0c47d44ef4d26 "'I Don't Believe in Gradualism': Rosa Parks and the Black Power Movement in Detroit"]. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the 96th Annual Convention of the Association for the Study of African-American Life and History.</ref> [[Robert F. Williams]], [[Maya Angelou]], [[Gloria Richardson]], dan [[Fay Bellamy Powell]] - terlibat dalam kedua-dua gerakan pada masa itu. Kebanyakan sarjana menganggap kedua-dua gerakan ini merupakan kesatuan gerakan yang lebih besar iaitu, ''Black Freedom Movement'' ataupun 'Gerakan Kebebasan Kulit Hitam'.<ref>Clayborne Carson, [http://web.stanford.edu/~ccarson/articles/southern_culture.htm "Black Freedom Movement".]</ref><ref>Premilla Nadasen, [http://investigatinghistory.ashp.cuny.edu/m11.html "The Black Freedom Movement"] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141204181239/http://investigatinghistory.ashp.cuny.edu/m11.html |date=December 4, 2014 }}, City University of New York.</ref><ref>Barbara Ransby, [http://www.academia.edu/5959231/Ella_Baker_and_the_Black_Freedom_Movement_Barbara_Ransby ''Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement''] (University of North Carolina Press, 2003).</ref>
Pengikut aliran 'Black Power' ini percaya kepada kuasa autonomi kulit hitam yang terangkum dalam beberapa idelogi seperti nasionalisme kulit hitam, penentuan nasib sendiri kulit hitam dan pemisahan kulit hitam. Fahaman-fahaman ini bercanggah dengan aliran utama gerakan hak awam yang tidak tegar pada masa itu. Ketua-ketua ''Civil Rights Movement'' pada masa itu mempelopori taktik-taktik yang lebih pasif dan aman manakala taktik-taktik gerakan ''Black Power'' ebih militan. Stokely Carmichael dan Charles V. Hamilton perbah berkata, "cara tanpa kekerasan merupakan hak yang tidak mampu dimiliki oleh masyarakat kulit hitam dan merupakan kemewahan yang tidak sepatutnya diberikan kepada orang kulit putih." <ref>{{cite book|last1=Ture|first1=Kwame|last2=Hamilton|first2=Charles|title=Black Power: The Politics of Liberation|date=1967|publisher=Random House|isbn=0679743138|page=53}}</ref> "Namun, banyak kumpulan dan individu - termasuk [[Rosa Parks]],<ref>Jeanne Theoharis, [http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p_mla_apa_research_citation/5/2/2/1/9/p522193_index.html?phpsessid=52461e5fbc3ff8d78be0c47d44ef4d26 "'I Don't Believe in Gradualism': Rosa Parks and the Black Power Movement in Detroit"]. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the 96th Annual Convention of the Association for the Study of African-American Life and History.</ref> [[Robert F. Williams]], [[Maya Angelou]], [[Gloria Richardson]], dan [[Fay Bellamy Powell]] - terlibat dalam kedua-dua gerakan pada masa itu. Kebanyakan sarjana menganggap kedua-dua gerakan ini merupakan kesatuan gerakan yang lebih besar iaitu, ''Black Freedom Movement'' ataupun 'Gerakan Kebebasan Kulit Hitam'.<ref>Clayborne Carson, [http://web.stanford.edu/~ccarson/articles/southern_culture.htm "Black Freedom Movement".]</ref><ref>Premilla Nadasen, [http://investigatinghistory.ashp.cuny.edu/m11.html "The Black Freedom Movement"] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141204181239/http://investigatinghistory.ashp.cuny.edu/m11.html |date=December 4, 2014 }}, City University of New York.</ref><ref>Barbara Ransby, [http://www.academia.edu/5959231/Ella_Baker_and_the_Black_Freedom_Movement_Barbara_Ransby ''Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement''] (University of North Carolina Press, 2003).</ref>


Ramai penyokong Black Power menginginkan hak untuk menentukan nasib mereka sendiri kerana percaya bahawa hanya mereka sahaja yang layak untuk mengetuai pertubuhan mereka sendiri. Stokely Carmichael, penyokong kuat fahaman ini pernah mengatakan, "hanya orang kulit hitam sahaja yang dapat menyampaikan idea yang revolusioner ini -- dan ini jelas merupakan sebuah idea yang revolusioner -- bahawa orang kulit hitam mampu untuk melakukan sesuatu sendiri" <ref name=":0">{{Cite book|title=Black Power: The Politics of Liberation|last=Ture|first=Kwame|publisher=Vintage Books|year=1967|isbn=0-679-74313-8|location=New York|pages=46}}</ref> Namun, hal ini tidak bermakna Black Power menerajui idea pemisahan kaum atau bersifat perkauman kerana Stokely dan Charles V. Hamilton pernah menulis, "bahawa ada peranan-peranan yang pasti boleh dimainkan oleh orang kulit putih."<ref>{{cite book |last1=Kwame |first1=Ture |last2=Hamilton |first2=Charles |title=Black Power: The Politics of Liberation |date=1967 |publisher=Random House |location=New York |isbn=0-679-74313-8 |page=81}}</ref> Mereka merasakan orang kulit putih boleh berkhidmat dalam gerakan ''Black Power'' dengan mendidik masyarakat mereka sendiri.
Ramai penyokong Black Power menginginkan hak untuk menentukan nasib mereka sendiri kerana percaya bahawa hanya mereka sahaja yang layak untuk mengetuai pertubuhan mereka sendiri. Stokely Carmichael, penyokong kuat fahaman ini pernah mengatakan, "hanya orang kulit hitam sahaja yang dapat menyampaikan idea yang revolusioner ini -- dan ini jelas merupakan sebuah idea yang revolusioner -- bahawa orang kulit hitam mampu untuk melakukan sesuatu sendiri" <ref name=":0">{{Cite book|title=Black Power: The Politics of Liberation|last=Ture|first=Kwame|publisher=Vintage Books|year=1967|isbn=0-679-74313-8|location=New York|pages=46}}</ref> Namun, hal ini tidak bermakna Black Power menerajui idea pemisahan kaum atau bersifat perkauman kerana Stokely dan Charles V. Hamilton pernah menulis, "bahawa ada peranan-peranan yang pasti boleh dimainkan oleh orang kulit putih."<ref>{{cite book |last1=Kwame |first1=Ture |last2=Hamilton |first2=Charles |title=Black Power: The Politics of Liberation |date=1967 |publisher=Random House |location=New York |isbn=0-679-74313-8 |page=81}}</ref> Mereka merasakan orang kulit putih boleh berkhidmat dalam gerakan ''Black Power'' dengan mendidik masyarakat mereka sendiri.

Semakan pada 10:37, 24 November 2016

Logo Black Power

Black Power merupakan sebuah slogan politik dan juga ideologi yang memperjuangkan hak asasi masyarakat keturunan Afrika yang sudah lama ditindas di Amerika Syarikat.[1] Slogan yang sering digunakan pada akhir tahun 1960-an dan awal 1970-an ini menekankan rasa bangga terhadap bangsa kulit hitam dan menjadi pencetus semangat untuk menubuhkan institusi-institusi politik dan kebudayaan yang membela kepentingan masyarakat Afrika-Amerika.[2][3]

"Black Power" merupakan simbol mempertahankan diri daripada penindasan ras, institusi yang membela hak masyarakat kulit hitam dan juga perekonomian yang boleh berdiri sendiri.

Asal usul sebagai slogan politik

Istilah ini digunakan buat pertama kali pada 1954 dalam sebuah buku yang bertajuk Black Power karangan Richard Wright.[4]Adam Clayton Powell Jr., seorang ahli politik dari New York menggunakan kekata itu pada 29 Mei 1966 dalam sebuah ucapan di Universiti Howard: "To demand these God-given rights is to seek black power" ("Meminta hak yang sememangnya anugerah Tuhan ini ialah untuk memperjuangkan kuasa kulit hitam")[4]

Penggunaan istilah "Black Power" sebagai slogan politik dan perkauman diterajui oleh Stokely Carmichael dan Willie Ricks, kedua-duanya penganjur dan jurucakap jawatankuasa Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Pada 16 Jun 1966, dalam sebuah ucapan di Greenwood, Mississippi, setelah insiden penembakan James Meredith semasa peristiwa March Against Fear (Berarak Menentang Ketakutan), Stokely Carmichael berkata:[5][6]

This is the twenty-seventh time I have been arrested and I ain't going to jail no more! The only way we gonna stop them white men from whuppin' us is to take over. What we gonna start sayin' now is Black Power!

Ini merupakan kali ke-27 saya ditangkap dan saya tidak ingin lagi dipenjara! Cara untuk kita menghindarkan orang kulit putih daripada menindas kita sekali lagi ialah untuk mengambil alih (kuasa). Apa yang kita ingin katakan mulai sekarang ialah Black Power!

Stokely Carmichael melihat konsep "Black Power" ini sebagai salah satu wadah untuk menyatukan masyarakat kulit hitam dalam gerakan ini. Slogan ini merupakan pengganti kekata "Freedom Now!" ("Kebebasan Sekarang!") yang dicipta oleh ketua kulit hitam tanpa kekerasan pada masa itu, Martin Luther King. Carmichael berasa bahawa gerakan "Black Power" ini bukan hanya satu langkah untuk menghapuskan pengasingan kaum di negara itu tetapi juga untuk menidakkan kesan perkauman masyarakat kulit putih Amerika yang mereka anggap telah melemahkan masyarakat mereka. Katanya, "'Black Power' bermakna orang kulit hitam bergabung bersama untuk menubuhkan sebuah kuasa politik dengan melantik wakil daripada kaum mereka sendiri ataupun memaksa ahli politik yang mereka lantik untuk memperjuangkan nasib mereka." [7]

Rangkuman beberapa ideologi

Pengikut aliran 'Black Power' ini percaya kepada kuasa autonomi kulit hitam yang terangkum dalam beberapa idelogi seperti nasionalisme kulit hitam, penentuan nasib sendiri kulit hitam dan pemisahan kulit hitam. Fahaman-fahaman ini bercanggah dengan aliran utama gerakan hak awam yang tidak tegar pada masa itu. Ketua-ketua Civil Rights Movement pada masa itu mempelopori taktik-taktik yang lebih pasif dan aman manakala taktik-taktik gerakan Black Power ebih militan. Stokely Carmichael dan Charles V. Hamilton perbah berkata, "cara tanpa kekerasan merupakan hak yang tidak mampu dimiliki oleh masyarakat kulit hitam dan merupakan kemewahan yang tidak sepatutnya diberikan kepada orang kulit putih." [8] "Namun, banyak kumpulan dan individu - termasuk Rosa Parks,[9] Robert F. Williams, Maya Angelou, Gloria Richardson, dan Fay Bellamy Powell - terlibat dalam kedua-dua gerakan pada masa itu. Kebanyakan sarjana menganggap kedua-dua gerakan ini merupakan kesatuan gerakan yang lebih besar iaitu, Black Freedom Movement ataupun 'Gerakan Kebebasan Kulit Hitam'.[10][11][12]

Ramai penyokong Black Power menginginkan hak untuk menentukan nasib mereka sendiri kerana percaya bahawa hanya mereka sahaja yang layak untuk mengetuai pertubuhan mereka sendiri. Stokely Carmichael, penyokong kuat fahaman ini pernah mengatakan, "hanya orang kulit hitam sahaja yang dapat menyampaikan idea yang revolusioner ini -- dan ini jelas merupakan sebuah idea yang revolusioner -- bahawa orang kulit hitam mampu untuk melakukan sesuatu sendiri" [13] Namun, hal ini tidak bermakna Black Power menerajui idea pemisahan kaum atau bersifat perkauman kerana Stokely dan Charles V. Hamilton pernah menulis, "bahawa ada peranan-peranan yang pasti boleh dimainkan oleh orang kulit putih."[14] Mereka merasakan orang kulit putih boleh berkhidmat dalam gerakan Black Power dengan mendidik masyarakat mereka sendiri.

Bukan semua penyokong Black Power menyokong idea pemisahan kaum terutama sekali parti Black Panther Party for Self-Defense. Walaupun parti ini menganggap diri mereka sedang berperang dengan puak pelampau kulit putih, mereka tidak merasakan bahawa mereka sedang berperang dengan semua individu kulit putih.

Bobby Seale, pengerusi dan salah satu pengasas parti ini bersifat terus terang tentang isu ini. Pendiriannya ialah penindasan masyarakat kulit hitam bukan disebabkan oleh sifat perkauman tetapi akibat eksploitasi tenaga buruh kulit hitam untuk memajukan ekonomi orang putih. Dalam bukunya yang bertajuk, Seize the Time, beliau menyatakan, "Menurut pandangan kami, ia sebenarnya merupakan perjuangan kelas di antara golongan proletariat dengan golongan memerintah yang minoriti. Golongan pekerja daripada pelbagai kaum harus bersatu untuk menentang kelas pemerintah yang mengeksplotasi mereka. Oleh itu, ingin saya tekankan bahawa perjuangan kami bukan perjuangan tentang kaum tetapi perjuangan kelas."[15]

Latar belakang

Konsep Black Power ini timbul semasa era Gerakan Hak Awam Amerika pada awal tahun 1960-an. Pada 1959, Robert F. Willams, presiden pertubuhan National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) cabang Monroe, North Carolina, mempersoalkan dasar tanpa kerasan gerakan tersebut. Gagasan beliau mendapat sokongan daripada ketua-ketua utama gerakan tersebut seperti Ella Baker dan James Forman, dan dibantah oleh Roy Wilkins, pengerusi nasional NAACP dan juga Martin Luther King.[16] Pada 1961, Maya Angelou, Leroi Jones, dan Mae Mallory mengetuai aksi tunjuk perasaan di hadapan bangunan Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu bagi membantah pembunuhan Patrice Lumumba.[17][18] Malcolm X, seorang wakil daripada pertubuhan Nation of Islam juga merupakan pengkritik utama gerakan aman tersebut. Namun, Malcolm X meninggalkan Nation of Islam setelah berasa kecewa dengan sikap melampau sesetengah pengikutnya yang terlibat dalam kejadian Pengeboman Gereja Baptis 16th Street. Malcolm kemudian bergabung dengan gerakan utama hak awam pada masa itu. Beliau kini percaya kepada konsep bersatu padu dengan masyarakat kulit putih sebagai matlamat jangka panjang namun masih menyokong hak orangnya untuk mempertahankan diri mereka menggunakan senjata, tidak mengharapkan bantuan orang kulit putih, dan berpegang teguh kepada konsep nasionalisme kulit hitam.

Manifestasi awal ‘’Black Power’’ dalam budaya popular timbul sewaktu persembahan Nina Simone di Carnegie Hall pada Mac 1964. Dalam sebuah lagunya, “Go Limp“, Simone mencemuh gerakan tanpa kekerasan dan juga puak pelampau kulit putih dalam lagunya , "Mississippi Goddamn" dan "Pirate Jenny". Pakar sejarah, Ruth Feldstein, mengatakan bahawa fahaman nasionalisme kulit hitam dan ‘’Black Power’’ ini berputik dan berkembang sejak awal tahun 1960-an lagi.[19] Namun, fahaman tegar ini mendapat bantahan keras daripada aktivitis-aktivitis seperti Martin Luther King, Jr. dan Roy Wilkins dan menolak aspirasi untuk hidup berpisah sebagai matlamat utama. King menolak secara keras fahaman ‘’Black Power’’ ini dalam sebuah ucapan yang diberikan pada Ogos 1967: "Let us be dissatisfied until that day when nobody will shout 'White Power!' — when nobody will shout 'Black Power!' — but everybody will talk about God's power and human power." (“Marilah kita berasa tidak puas hati sehingga tiba suatu masa di mana orang tidak akan lagi berteriak, ‘White Power!’ atau ‘Black Power!’ tetapi akan bercakap tentang ‘Kuasa Tuhan’ dan ‘Kuasa Manusia.”)[20] Dalam bukunya yang bertajuk, Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community?, King mengatakan:

In the final analysis the weakness of Black Power is its failure to see that the black man needs the white man and the white man needs the black man. However much we may try to romanticize the slogan, there is no separate black path to power and fulfillment that does not intersect white paths, and there is no separate white path to power and fulfillment, short of social disaster, that does not share that power with black aspirations for freedom and human dignity. We are bound together in a single garment of destiny. The language, the cultural patterns, the music, the material prosperity, and even the food of America are an amalgam of black and white.[21]
Kelemahan Black Power ialah kegagalannya untuk menyedari bahawa orang kulit hitam memerlukan orang kulit putih dan sebaliknya. Tiada laluan asing yang tersedia hanya untuk orang kulit hitam tanpa menyilangi laluan orang kulit putih dan sebaliknya. Nasib dan masa depan orang kulit hitam dan putih terikat. Bahasa, budaya, muzik, kekayaan dan juga makanan di Amerika merupakan penyatupaduan orang kulit hitam dan putih.

Kesan

Although the concept remained imprecise and contested and the people who used the slogan ranged from business people who used it to push black capitalism to revolutionaries who sought an end to capitalism, the idea of Black Power exerted a significant influence. It helped organize scores of community self-help groups and institutions that did not depend on Whites. It was used to force black studies programs at colleges, to mobilize black voters to elect black candidates, and to encourage greater racial pride and self-esteem.[perlu rujukan]

One of the most spectacular and unexpected demonstrations for Black Power occurred at the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City. At the conclusion of the 200m race, at the medal ceremony, United States gold medalist Tommie Smith and bronze medalist John Carlos wore Olympic Project for Human Rights badges and showed the raised fist (see 1968 Olympics Black Power salute) as the anthem played. Accompanying them was silver medalist Peter Norman, a white Australian sprinter, who also wore an OPHR badge to show his support for the two African Americans.

Kesan terhadap arena politik kulit hitam

Though the Black Power movement did not immediately remedy the political problems faced by African Americans in the 1960s and 1970s, the movement did contribute to the development of black politics both directly and indirectly. As a contemporary of and successor to the Civil Rights Movement, the Black Power movement created, what sociologist Herbert H. Haines refers to as a "positive radical flank effect" on political affairs of the 1960s. Though the nature of the relationship between the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power movement is contested, Haines' study of the relationship between black radicals and the mainstream civil rights movement indicates that Black Power generated a "crisis in American institutions which made the legislative agenda of 'polite, realistic, and businesslike' mainstream organizations" more appealing to politicians. In this way, it can be argued that the more strident and oppositional messages of the Black Power movement indirectly enhanced the bargaining position of more moderate activists.[22] Black Power activists approached politics with vitality, variety, wit, and creativity that shaped the way future generations approached dealing with America's societal problems (McCartney 188). These activists capitalized on the nation's recent awareness of the political nature of oppression, a primary focus of the Civil Rights Movement, developing numerous political action caucuses and grass roots community associations to remedy the situation [22]

The National Black Political Convention, held March 10–12, 1972, was a significant milestone in black politics of the Black Power era. Held in Gary, Indiana, a majorly black city, the convention included a diverse group of black activists, although it completely excluded whites. The convention was criticized for its racial exclusivity by Roy Wilkins of the NAACP, a group that supported integration. The delegates created a National Black Political Agenda with stated goals including the election of a proportionate number of black representatives to Congress, community control of schools, national health insurance, etc. Though the convention did not result in any direct policy, the convention advanced goals of the Black Power movement and left participants buoyed by a spirit of possibility and themes of unity and self-determination. A concluding note to the convention, addressing its supposed idealism, read: "At every critical moment of our struggle in America we have had to press relentlessly against the limits of the 'realistic' to create new realities for the life of our people. This is our challenge at Gary and beyond, for a new Black politics demands new vision, new hope and new definitions of the possible. Our time has come. These things are necessary. All things are possible."[23] Though such political activism may not have resulted in direct policy, they provided political models for later movements, advanced a pro-black political agenda, and brought sensitive issues to the forefront of American politics. In its confrontational and often oppositional nature, the Black Power movement started a debate within the black community and America as a nation over issues of racial progress, citizenship, and democracy, namely "the nature of American society and the place of the African American in it."[24] The continued intensity of debate over these same social and political issues is a tribute to the impact of the Black Power movement in arousing the political awareness and passions of citizens.[24]

Kesan terhadap gerakan-gerakan yang lain

Though the aims of the Black Power movement were racially specific, much of the movement's impact has been its influence on the development and strategies of later political and social movements. By igniting and sustaining debate on the nature of American society, the Black Power movement created what other multiracial and minority groups interpreted to be a viable template for the overall restructuring of society.[25] By opening up discussion on issues of democracy and equality, the Black Power movement paved the way for a diverse plurality of social justice movements, including black feminism, environmental movements, affirmative action, and gay and lesbian rights. Central to these movements were the issues of identity politics and structural inequality, features emerging from the Black Power movement.[26] Because the Black Power movement emphasized and explored a black identity, movement activists were forced to confront issues of gender and class as well. Many activists in the Black Power movement became active in related movements. This is seen in the case of the "second wave" of women's right activism, a movement supported and orchestrated to a certain degree by women working from within the coalition ranks of the Black Power movement.[27] The boundaries between social movements became increasingly unclear at the end of the 1960s and into the 1970s; where the Black Power movement ends and where these other social movements begin is often unclear. "It is pertinent to note that as the movement expanded the variables of gender, class, and only compounded issues of strategy and methodology in black protest thought."[28]

Kesan terhadap identiti Afrika-Amerika

Seorang pembantah memberikan tabik 'Black Power' di Ferguson, Missouri, 15 Ogos 2014

Due to the negative and militant reputation of such auxiliaries as that of the Black Panther Party, many people felt that this movement of "insurrection" would soon serve to cause discord and disharmony through the entire U.S. Even Stokely Carmichael stated, "When you talk of Black Power, you talk of building a movement that will smash everything Western civilization has created."[29] Though Black Power at the most basic level refers to a political movement, the psychological and cultural messages of the Black Power movement, though less tangible, have had perhaps a longer-lasting impact on American society than concrete political changes. Indeed, "fixation on the 'political' hinders appreciation of the movement's cultural manifestations and unnecessarily obscures black culture's role in promoting the psychological well being of the Afro-American people,"[30] states William L. Van Deburg, author of A New Day in Babylon, "movement leaders never were as successful in winning power for the people as they were in convincing people that they had sufficient power within themselves to escape 'the prison of self-deprecation'" [31] Primarily, the liberation and empowerment experienced by African Americans occurred in the psychological realm. The movement uplifted the black community as a whole by cultivating feelings of racial solidarity and positive self-identity, often in opposition to the world of white Americans, a world that had physically and psychologically oppressed Blacks for generations. Stokely Carmichael stated that "the goal of black self-determination and black self-identity--Black Power--is recognition of the virtues in themselves as black people."[13] Through the movement, blacks came to understand themselves and their culture by exploring and debating the question, "who are we?" in order to establish a unified and viable identity.[32] And "if black people are to know themselves as a vibrant, valiant people, they must know their roots."[13]

Throughout the Civil Rights Movement and black history, there has been tension between those wishing to minimize and maximize racial difference. W.E.B. Du Bois and Martin Luther King Jr. often attempted to deemphasize race in their quest for equality, while those advocating for separatism and colonization emphasized an extreme and irreconcilable difference between races. The Black Power movement largely achieved an equilibrium of "balanced and humane ethnocentrism."[32] The impact of the Black Power movement in generating discussion about ethnic identity and black consciousness supported the appearance and expansion of academic fields of American studies, Black Studies, and African studies,[27] and the founding of several museums devoted to African-American history and culture in this period.[33] In these ways the Black Power movement led to greater respect for and attention accorded to African Americans' history and culture.

Kesan di Britain

Black Power got a foothold in Britain when Carmichael came to London in July 1967 to attend the Dialectics of Liberation Congress. As well as his address at the Congress, he also made a speech at Speakers' Corner. At that time there was no Black Power organization in Britain, although there was Michael X's Racial Adjustment Action Society.[34] However, this was more influenced by the visit of Malcolm X in that year. Michael X also adopted Islam at this stage, whereas Black Power was not organized around any religious institution. The Black Power Manifesto was launched on 10 November 1967, published by the Universal Coloured People's Association. Obi Egbuna, the spokesperson for the group, claimed they had recruited 778 members in London during the previous seven weeks.[35] In 1968 Egbuna published Black Power or Death. He was also active with CLR James, Calvin Hernton and others in the Antiuniversity of London,[36] set up following the Dialectics of Liberation Congress.

Afro-British who identified themselves as the British Black Power Movement (BBMP) formed in the 1960s. They worked with the U.S. Black Panther Party in 1967–68, and 1968–72.[37] The On March 2, 1970, roughly one hundred people protested outside the U.S. embassy in Grosvenor Square, London, in support of the U.S. Black Panther founder Bobby Seale, who was on trial for murder in New Haven, Connecticut.[37] They chanted "Free Bobby!" and carried posters proclaiming "Free, Free bobby Seale" and "You can kill a revolutionary but not a revolution." [37] London police arrested sixteen of the protestors that day, three women and thirteen men with threatening and assaulting police officers, distributing a flier entitled "the Definition of Black Power", intending to incite a breach of the peace, and willful damage to a police raincoat. The raincoat charge was dropped by the judge, but the judge found five of the accused guilty of the remaining charges.[37]

Kesan di Jamaica

A Black Power movement arose in Jamaica in the late 1960s. Though Jamaica had gained independence from the British Empire in 1962, and Prime Minister Hugh Shearer was black, many cabinet ministers (such as Edward Seaga) and business elites were white. Large segments of the black majority population were unemployed or did not earn a living wage. The Jamaica Labour Party government of Hugh Shearer banned Black Power literature such as The Autobiography of Malcolm X and the works of Eldridge Cleaver and Stokely Carmichael.

Guyanese academic Walter Rodney was appointed as a lecturer at the University of the West Indies in January 1968, and became one of the main exponents of Black Power in Jamaica. When the Shearer government banned Rodney from re-entering the country, the Rodney Riots broke out. As a result of the Rodney affair, radical groups and publications such as Abeng began to emerge, and the opposition People's National Party gained support. In the 1972 election, the Jamaica Labour Party was defeated by the People's National Party, and Michael Manley, who had expressed support for Black Power, became Prime Minister.[38]

"Hitam itu cantik"

The cultivation of pride in the African-American race was often summarized in the phrase "Black is Beautiful." The phrase is rooted in its historical context, yet the relationship to it has changed in contemporary times. "I don't think it's 'Black is beautiful' anymore. It's 'I am beautiful and I'm black.' It's not the symbolic thing, the afro, power sign… That phase is over and it succeeded. My children feel better about themselves and they know that they're black," stated a respondent in Bob Blauner's longitudinal oral history of U.S. race relations in 1986.[39] The outward manifestations of an appreciation and celebration of blackness abound: black dolls, natural hair, black Santas, models and celebrities that were once rare and symbolic have become commonplace.

The "Black is beautiful" cultural movement aimed to dispel the notion that black people's natural features such as skin color, facial features and hair are inherently ugly.[40] John Sweat Rock was the first to coin the phrase "Black is Beautiful", in the slavery era. The movement asked that men and women stop straightening their hair and attempting to lighten or bleach their skin.[41] The prevailing idea in American culture was that black features are less attractive or desirable than white features. The movement is largely responsible for the popularity of the Afro.

Kesan terhadap seni dan budaya

Fail:Three Proud People.jpg
Three Proud People mural in Newtown, depicting the 1968 Olympics Black Power salute.

The Black Power movement produced artistic and cultural products that both embodied and generated pride in "blackness" and further defined an African-American identity that remains contemporary. Black Power is often seen as a cultural revolution as much as a political revolution, with the goal of celebrating and emphasizing the distinctive group culture of African Americans to an American society that had previously been dominated by white artistic and cultural expressions. Black power utilized all available forms of folk, literary, and dramatic expression based in a common ancestral past to promote a message of self-actualization and cultural self-definition.[42] The emphasis on a distinctive black culture during the Black Power movement publicized and legitimized a culture gap between Blacks and Whites that had previously been ignored and denigrated. More generally, in recognizing the legitimacy of another culture and challenging the idea of white cultural superiority, the Black Power movement paved the way for the celebration of multiculturalism in America today.

The cultural concept of "soul" was fundamental to the image of African-American culture embodied by the Black Power movement. Soul, a type of "in-group cultural cachet," was closely tied to black America's need for individual and group self-identification.[43] A central expression of the "soulfulness" of the Black Power generation was a cultivation of aloofness and detachment, the creation of an "aura or emotional invulnerability," a persona that challenged their position of relative powerlessness in greater society. The nonverbal expressions of this attitude, including everything from posture to handshakes, were developed as a counterpoint to the rigid, "up-tight" mannerisms of white people. Though the iconic symbol of black power, the arms raised with biceps flexed and clenched fists, is temporally specific, variants of the multitude of handshakes, or "giving and getting skin," in the 1960s and 1970s as a mark of communal solidarity continue to exist as a part of black culture.[44] Clothing style also became an expression of Black Power in the 1960s and 1970s. Though many of the popular trends of the movement remained confined to the decade, the movement redefined standards of beauty that were historically influenced by Whites and instead celebrated a natural "blackness." As Stokely Carmichael said in 1966, "We have to stop being ashamed of being black. A broad nose, thick lip and nappy hair is us and we are going to call that beautiful whether they like it or not."[45] "Natural" hair styles, such as the Afro, became a socially acceptable tribute to group unity and a highly visible celebration of black heritage. Though the same social messages may no longer consciously influence individual hair or clothing styles in today's society, the Black Power movement was influential in diversifying standards of beauty and aesthetic choices. The Black Power movement raised the idea of a black aesthetic that revealed the worth and beauty of all black people.[46]

In developing a powerful identity from the most elemental aspects of African-American folk life, the Black Power movement generated attention to the concept of "soul food," a fresh, authentic, and natural style of cooking that originated in Africa. The flavor and solid nourishment of the food was credited with sustaining African Americans through centuries of oppression in America and became an important aid in nurturing contemporary racial pride.[47] Black Power advocates used the concept of "soul food" to further distinguish between white and black culture; though the basic elements of soul food were not specific to African-American food, Blacks believed in the distinctive quality, if not superiority, of foods prepared by Blacks. No longer racially specific, traditional "soul foods" such as yams, collard greens, and deep-fried chicken continue to hold a place in contemporary culinary life.

Gerakan Seni Kulit Hitam

The Black Arts Movement or BAM, founded in Harlem by writer and activist Amiri Baraka (born Everett LeRoy Jones), can be seen as the artistic branch of the Black Power movement.[48] This movement inspired black people to establish ownership of publishing houses, magazines, journals and art institutions. Other well-known writers who were involved with this movement included Nikki Giovanni; Don L. Lee, later known as Haki Madhubuti; Sonia Sanchez; Maya Angelou; Dudley Randall; Sterling Plumpp; Larry Neal; Ted Joans; Ahmos Zu-Bolton; and Etheridge Knight. Several black-owned publishing houses and publications sprang from the BAM, including Madhubuti's Third World Press, Broadside Press, Zu-Bolton's Energy Black South Press, and the periodicals Callaloo and Yardbird Reader. Although not strictly involved with the Movement, other notable African-American writers such as novelists Ishmael Reed and Toni Morrison and poet Gwendolyn Brooks can be considered to share some of its artistic and thematic concerns.

BAM sought "to link, in a highly conscious manner, art and politics in order to assist in the liberation of black people", and produced an increase in the quantity and visibility of African-American artistic production.[49] Though many elements of the Black Arts movement are separate from the Black Power movement, many goals, themes, and activists overlapped. Literature, drama, and music of Blacks "served as an oppositional and defensive mechanism through which creative artists could confirm their identity while articulating their own unique impressions of social reality."[50] In addition to acting as highly visible and unifying representations of "blackness," the artistic products of the Black Power movement also utilized themes of black empowerment and liberation.[51] For instance, black recording artists not only transmitted messages of racial unity through their music, they also became significant role models for a younger generation of African Americans.[52] Updated protest songs not only bemoaned oppression and societal wrongs, but utilized adversity as a reference point and tool to lead others to activism. Some Black Power era artists conducted brief mini-courses in the techniques of empowerment. In the tradition of cultural nationalists, these artists taught that in order to alter social conditions, Blacks first had to change the way they viewed themselves; they had to break free of white norms and strive to be more natural, a common theme of African-American art and music.[53] Musicians such as the Temptations sang lyrics such as "I have one single desire, just like you / So move over, son, 'cause I'm comin' through" in their song "Message From a Black Man," they expressed the revolutionary sentiments of the Black Power movement.[54]

Ishmael Reed, who is considered neither a movement apologist nor advocate, said: "I wasn't invited to participate because I was considered an integrationist" but he went on to explain the positive aspects of the Black Arts Movement and the Black Power movement:

I think what Black Arts did was inspire a whole lot of Black people to write. Moreover, there would be no multiculturalism movement without Black Arts. Latinos, Asian Americans, and others all say they began writing as a result of the example of the 1960s. Blacks gave the example that you don't have to assimilate. You could do your own thing, get into your own background, your own history, your own tradition and your own culture. I think the challenge is for cultural sovereignty and Black Arts struck a blow for that.[55]

By breaking into a field typically reserved for white Americans, artists of the Black Power era expanded opportunities for current African Americans. "Today's writers and performers," writes William L. Van Deburg, "recognize that they owe a great deal to Black Power's explosion of cultural orthodoxy."[56]

Kontroversi

Bayard Rustin, an elder statesman of the Civil Rights Movement, was a harsh critic of Black Power in its earliest days. Writing in 1966, shortly after the March Against Fear, Rustin said that Black Power "not only lacks any real value for the civil rights movement, but [...] its propagation is positively harmful. It diverts the movement from a meaningful debate over strategy and tactics, it isolates the Negro community, and it encourages the growth of anti-Negro forces." He particularly criticized the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and SNCC for their turn toward Black Power, arguing that these two organizations once "awakened the country, but now they emerge isolated and demoralized, shouting a slogan that may afford a momentary satisfaction but that is calculated to destroy them and their movement."[57]

Rujukan

  1. ^ Scott, James. Wilson. (1976). The black revolts: racial stratification in the U.S.A. : the politics of estate, caste, and class in the American society. Cambridge, Mass: Schenkman Pub.
  2. ^ Ogbar, J. O. G. (2005). Black Power: radical politics and African American identity. Reconfiguring American political history. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press, p. 2.
  3. ^ Appiah, Anthony, & Henry Louis Gates Jr. (1999). Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience. New York: Basic Civitas Books, p. 262.
  4. ^ a b Yale Book of Quotations (2006), Yale University Press, edited by Fred R. Shapiro.
  5. ^ Hasan Jeffries (2010). Bloody Lowndes: Civil Rights and Black Power in Alabama's Black Belt. NYU Press. m/s. 187.
  6. ^ "Matthew Duncan':Black Power salute by John Dominis-1968."matthewduncan07 The Chateau Theme, 7 November 2013. Web. 7 November 2013
  7. ^ "Stokely Carmichael", King Encyclopedia, The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute, Stanford University. Accessed 20 November 2006.
  8. ^ Ture, Kwame; Hamilton, Charles (1967). Black Power: The Politics of Liberation. Random House. m/s. 53. ISBN 0679743138.
  9. ^ Jeanne Theoharis, "'I Don't Believe in Gradualism': Rosa Parks and the Black Power Movement in Detroit". Paper presented at the annual meeting of the 96th Annual Convention of the Association for the Study of African-American Life and History.
  10. ^ Clayborne Carson, "Black Freedom Movement".
  11. ^ Premilla Nadasen, "The Black Freedom Movement" Diarkibkan Disember 4, 2014, di Wayback Machine, City University of New York.
  12. ^ Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement (University of North Carolina Press, 2003).
  13. ^ a b c Ture, Kwame (1967). Black Power: The Politics of Liberation. New York: Vintage Books. m/s. 46. ISBN 0-679-74313-8.
  14. ^ Kwame, Ture; Hamilton, Charles (1967). Black Power: The Politics of Liberation. New York: Random House. m/s. 81. ISBN 0-679-74313-8.
  15. ^ Seale, Bobby. Seize the Time: The Story of the Black Panther Party and Huey P. Newton. New York: Black Classic Press, 1996, p. 72.
  16. ^ Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle", Journal of American History 85, No. 2 (September 1998): 540-570.
  17. ^ Peniel Joseph, ed., Black Power Movement: Rethinking the Civil Rights-Black Power Era (Routledge, 2013), pp. 55–61.
  18. ^ James Baldwin, "A Negro Assays the Negro Mood" The New York Times Magazine, March 12, 1961
  19. ^ Ruth Feldstein, "Nina Simone: The Antidote to the 'We Shall Overcome' Myth of the Civil Rights Movement", History News Network (George Mason University).
  20. ^ King, Martin Luther (August 16, 1967). Address to the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Stanford.
  21. ^ King, Martin Luther (1967). Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community?.
  22. ^ a b Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992, p. 306.
  23. ^ "American Experience | Eyes on the Prize | Milestones" PBS, 5 April 2009.
  24. ^ a b McCartney, John T. Black Power Ideologies: An Essay in African-American Political Thought, Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992.
  25. ^ Joseph, Peniel E. Waiting 'til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2006, p. xiv.
  26. ^ Joseph, Waiting 'til the Midnight Hour (2006), p. 294.
  27. ^ a b Williams, Hettie V. We Shall Overcome to We Shall Overrun: The Collapse of the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power Revolt (1962-1968). Lanham, MA: University Press of America, 2009, p. 92.
  28. ^ Joseph, Waiting 'til the Midnight Hour (2006), p. 92.
  29. ^ Stephen, Curtis. "Life of A Party", Crisis; September/October 2006, Vol. 113, Issue 5, pp. 30–37, 8p.
  30. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 304.
  31. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 306.
  32. ^ a b McCormack, Donald J. Black Power: Political Ideology? Diss. University of New York at Albany, 1970. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International, 1984, p. 394.
  33. ^ Andrea Alison Burns. 2008. "Show me my Soul.": the evolution of the Black museum movement in postwar America. Dissertation, University of Minnesota.
  34. ^ Egbuna, Obi (1971), Destroy This Temple: the voice of Black Power in Britain, London: MacGibbon & Kee, m/s. 16
  35. ^ Marshall, Rita (11 November 1967). "Black Power Men Launch Credo". The Times.
  36. ^ Jakobsen, Jakob (2012), The Counter University, London: Antihistory.
  37. ^ a b c d The Black Panthers in London, 1967 – 1972: A Diasporic Struggle Navigates the Black Atlantic.
  38. ^ Waters, Anita (1985). Race, Class, and Political Symbols: Rastafari and Reggae in Jamaican Politics. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. ISBN 0-88738-632-6.
  39. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 307.
  40. ^ Some notes on the BLACK CULTURAL MOVEMENT Diarkibkan Disember 20, 2007, di Wayback Machine
  41. ^ Jamaica Says Black Is Beautiful
  42. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 192.
  43. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 195.
  44. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 197.
  45. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 201.
  46. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 194.
  47. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 204.
  48. ^ The Black Arts Repertory Theatre/School Diarkibkan November 12, 1999, di Wayback Machine
  49. ^ Joseph, Waiting 'til the Midnight Hour (2006), p. 256.
  50. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 249.
  51. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 280.
  52. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 208.
  53. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 213.
  54. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 212.
  55. ^ Black Arts Movement
  56. ^ Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon (1992), p. 308.
  57. ^ Rustin, Bayard (1965). ""Black Power" and Coalition Politics". Commentary. PBS.

Bacaan lanjutan

  • Breitman, George. In Defense of Black Power. International Socialist Review, January–February 1967. Transcription by Andrew Pollack for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line.
  • Brown, Scot, Fighting for US: Maulana Karenga, the US Organization, and Black Cultural Nationalism, New York: New York University Press, 2003.
  • Carmichael, Stokely/ Hamilton, Charles V., and Ture, Kwame: Black Power. The Politics of Liberation in America. New York: Vintage Books, 1967.
  • Goldstein, Brian D., "'The Search for New Forms': Black Power and the Making of the Postmodern City," Journal of American History, vol. 102, no. 2 (Sept. 2016), pp. 375-399.
  • Ogbar, Jeffrey O. G. Black Power: Radical Politics and African American Identity. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004.
  • Salas, Mario Marcel. Patterns of Persistence: Paternal Colonialist Structures and the Radical Opposition in the African American Community in San Antonio, 1937–2001. Masters' thesis. University of Texas at San Antonio.

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