Perekonomian Islam dari segi amalan, atau dasar ekonomi yang disokong oleh kumpulan-kumpulan mengaku Islam, berbeza-beza di sepanjang sejarah panjangnya. Konsep Islam tradisional berkenaan dengan ekonomi termasuk:
- zakat - "cukai sesetengah barangan, seperti tuaian, dengan tujuan mengagihkan cukai ini kepada tujuan yang telah ditentukan, seperti bantuan kepada yang memerlukan."
- Gharar - "pergantungan nasib ... iaitu kewujudan sebarang unsur ketidakpastian dalam kontrak (yang menidakkan bukan sahaja insurans malah peminjaman wang tanpa penyertaan terhadap risiko)".
Konsep-konsep ini, seperti yang lain dalam hukum dan fiqh Islam, datangnya daripada "preskripsi, anekdot, contoh dan ucapan Nabi Muhammad, dihimpun bersama dan disistemkan oleh pengulas mengikut kaedah induktif safsatah."  Kadangkala sumber lain seperti urf, (adat resam), aql (akal) atau ijmak (kesepakatan ulama) turut digunakan. Sebagai tambahan, hukum Islam telah membangunkan bahagian hukum yang berpadanan dengan undang-undang sekular kontrak dan tort.
Ekonomi Islam awals[sunting | sunting sumber]
Pembaharuan awal di bawah Islam[sunting | sunting sumber]
Some argue early Islamic theory and practice formed a "coherent" economic system with "a blueprint for a new order in society, in which all participants would be treated more fairly". Michael Bonner, for example, has written that an "economy of poverty" prevailed in Islam until the 13th and 14th centuries. Under this system God's guidance made sure the flow of money and goods was "purified" by being channeled from those who had much of it to those who had little by encouraging zakat (charity) and discouraging riba (usury/interest) on loans. Bonner maintains the prophet also helped poor traders by allowing only tents, not permanent buildings in the market of Medina, and not charging fees and rents there.
Social responsibility and corporate social responsibility in commerce was stressed in Islamic sociology. The development of Islamic banks and Islamic economics was a side effect of this sociology: usury was rather severely restrained, no interest rate was allowed, and investors were not permitted to escape the consequences of any failed venture—all financing was equity financing (Musharaka). In not letting borrowers bear all the risk/cost of a failure, an extreme disparity of outcomes between "partners" is thus avoided. Ultimately this serves a social harmony purpose. Muslims also could not and cannot (in shariah) finance any dealings in forbidden goods or activities, such as wine, pork, gambling, etc. Thus ethical investing is the only acceptable investing, and moral purchasing is encouraged.
Legal institutions[sunting | sunting sumber]
Agensi Hawala[sunting | sunting sumber]
The Hawala, an early informal value transfer system, has its origins in classical Islamic law, and is mentioned in texts of Islamic jurisprudence as early as the 8th century. Hawala itself later influenced the development of the agency in common law and in civil laws such as the aval in French law and the avallo in Italian law. The words aval and avallo were themselves derived from Hawala. The transfer of debt, which was "not permissible under Roman law but became widely practiced in medieval Europe, especially in commercial transactions", was due to the large extent of the "trade conducted by the Italian cities with the Muslim world in the Middle Ages." The agency was also "an institution unknown to Roman law" as no "individual could conclude a binding contract on behalf of another as his agent." In Roman law, the "contractor himself was considered the party to the contract and it took a second contract between the person who acted on behalf of a principal and the latter in order to transfer the rights and the obligations deriving from the contract to him." On the other hand, Islamic law and the later common law "had no difficulty in accepting agency as one of its institutions in the field of contracts and of obligations in general."
Amanah Waqf[sunting | sunting sumber]
The waqf in Islamic law, which developed in the medieval Islamic world from the 7th to 9th centuries, bears a notable resemblance to the English trust law. Every waqf was required to have a waqif (founder), mutawillis (trustee), qadi (judge) and beneficiaries. Under both a waqf and a trust, "property is reserved, and its usufruct appropriated, for the benefit of specific individuals, or for a general charitable purpose; the corpus becomes inalienable; estates for life in favor of successive beneficiaries can be created" and "without regard to the law of inheritance or the rights of the heirs; and continuity is secured by the successive appointment of trustees or mutawillis."
The only significant distinction between the Islamic waqf and English trust was "the express or implied reversion of the waqf to charitable purposes when its specific object has ceased to exist", though this difference only applied to the waqf ahli (Islamic family trust) rather than the waqf khairi (devoted to a charitable purpose from its inception). Another difference was the English vesting of "legal estate" over the trust property in the trustee, though the "trustee was still bound to administer that property for the benefit of the beneficiaries." In this sense, the "role of the English trustee therefore does not differ significantly from that of the mutawalli."
The trust law developed in England at the time of the Crusades, during the 12th and 13th centuries, was introduced by Crusaders who may have been influenced by the waqf institutions they came across in the Middle East.
After the Islamic waqf law and madrassah foundations were firmly established by the 10th century, the number of Bimaristan hospitals multiplied throughout throughout Islamic lands. In the 11th century, every Islamic city had at least several hospitals. The waqf trust institutions funded the hospitals for various expenses, including the wages of doctors, ophthalmologists, surgeons, chemists, pharmacists, domestics and all other staff, the purchase of foods and drugs; hospital equipment such as beds, mattresses, bowls and perfumes; and repairs to buildings. The waqf trusts also funded medical schools, and their revenues covered various expenses such as their maintenance and the payment of teachers and students.
Classical Muslim commerce[sunting | sunting sumber]
Lihat juga[sunting | sunting sumber]
- Islamic Development Bank
- Bank Islam Malaysia
- Bank Muamalat Malaysia
- Dubai Islamic Bank
- Islamic Bank of Britain
- Meezan Bank Limited
Rujukan[sunting | sunting sumber]
- Roy, The Failure of Political Islam Harvard University Press, 1994, m/s. 132
- Schirazi, Asghar, Constitution of Iran, (1997), m/s. 170
- Michael Bonner, "Poverty and Economics in the Qur’an", Journal of Interdisciplinary History, xxxv:3 (Winter, 2005), 391–406
- Jawed A. Mohammed PhD and Alfred Oehlers (2007), Corporate social responsibility in Islam, School of Business, Auckland University of Technology.
- Badr, Gamal Moursi (Spring, 1978), "Islamic Law: Its Relation to Other Legal Systems", The American Journal of Comparative Law, The American Journal of Comparative Law, Vol. 26, No. 2, 26 (2 - Proceedings of an International Conference on Comparative Law, Salt Lake City, Utah, February 24–25, 1977): 187–198 [196–8], doi:10.2307/839667 Check date values in:
- (Gaudiosi 1988)
- (Gaudiosi 1988, pp. 1237–40)
- (Gaudiosi 1988, p. 1246)
- (Gaudiosi 1988, pp. 1246–7)
- (Gaudiosi 1988, p. 1247)
- (Hudson 2003, p. 32)
- (Gaudiosi 1988, pp. 1244–5)
- Micheau, Francoise, "The Scientific Institutions in the Medieval Near East", m/s. 999–1001 Missing or empty
|title=(bantuan), in (Morelon & Rashed 1996, pp. 985–1007)
Bacaan lanjut[sunting | sunting sumber]
- Badr, Gamal M. (Spring 1989), "To the Editor", The American Journal of Comparative Law, The American Journal of Comparative Law, Vol. 37, No. 2, 37 (2): 424–425, doi:10.2307/840180
- Gaudiosi, Monica M. (April 1988), "The Influence of the Islamic Law of Waqf on the Development of the Trust in England: The Case of Merton College", University of Pennsylvania Law Review, University of Pennsylvania Law Review, Vol. 136, No. 4, 136 (4): 1231–1261, doi:10.2307/3312162
- Hosseini, Hamid S. (2003), "Contributions of Medieval Muslim Scholars to the History of Economics and their Impact: A Refutation of the Schumpeterian Great Gap", dalam Biddle, Jeff E.; Davis, Jon B.; Samuels, Warren J. (penyunting), A Companion to the History of Economic Thought, Malden, MA: Blackwell, m/s. 28–45, doi:10.1002/9780470999059.ch3, ISBN 0631225730CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link)
- Hudson, A. (2003), Equity and Trusts (ed. 3rd), London: Cavendish Publishing, ISBN 1-85941-729-9
- Morelon, Régis; Rashed, Roshdi (1996), Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science, 3, Routledge, ISBN 0415124107 Unknown parameter
|isbn status=ignored (bantuan)
- Schumpeter, Joseph (1954), History of Economic Analysis, New York: Oxford University Press Cite has empty unknown parameter:
- Shatzmiller, Maya (1994), Labour in the Medieval Islamic World, Brill Publishers, ISBN 9004098968
- Waleed Addas (2008). Methodology of Economics: Secular versus Islamic