Perang Bosnia

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Perang Bosnia
Sebahagian daripada Perang Yugoslavia
Bosnian war header.no.png
Bangunan Majlis Eksekutif terbakar selepas terkena tembakan artileri di Sarajevo pada bulan Mei 1992; Ratko Mladić bersama para pegawai Tentera Republik Srpska; seorang tentera PBB dari Norway di Sarajevo.
Maklumat am
Tarikh 1 Mac 1992 – 14 Disember 1995
(3 tahun, 8 bulan, 2 minggu dan 2 hari)
Lokasi Bosnia dan Herzegovina
Punca Kemerdekaan Bosnia dan Herzegovina
Hasil Kebuntuan ketenteraan
Pihak yang berperang
1992:

Bosnia dan Herzegovina Republik Bosnia dan Herzegovina
 Croatia
Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia Komuniti Croat di Herzeg-Bosnia

1992:

Flag of Republika Srpska.svg Republik Srpska
Republik Persekutuan Sosialis Yugoslavia SFR Yugoslavia
State Flag of Serbian Krajina (1991).svg Republik Serbia Krajina

Komander dan pemimpin
Bosnia dan Herzegovina Alija Izetbegović
(Presiden Bosnia dan Herzegovina)

Bosnia dan Herzegovina Haris Silajdžić
(Perdana Menteri Bosnia dan Herzegovina) Bosnia dan Herzegovina Sefer Halilović
(Ketua Staf ARBiH 1992–1993) Bosnia dan Herzegovina Rasim Delić
(ARBiH Commander of the General Staff 1993–1995) Bosnia dan Herzegovina Enver Hadžihasanović
(Ketua Staf ARBiH 1992–1993)


NATO Leighton W. Smith
(Komander AFSOUTH)
dan lain-lain

Croatia Franjo Tuđman
(Presiden Croatia)

Croatia Gojko Šušak
(Menteri Pertahanan Croatia)
Croatia Janko Bobetko
(Ketua Staf HV 1992–1995)


Republik Croat Herzeg-Bosnia Mate Boban
(Presiden CR Herzeg-Bosnia)
Republik Croat Herzeg-Bosnia Milivoj Petković
(Ketua Staf HVO) Republik Croat Herzeg-Bosnia Dario Kordić
(Timbalan Presiden CR Herzeg-Bosnia)
dan lain-lain

Federal Republic of YugoslaviaSerbia Slobodan Milošević
(Presiden Serbia)

Republik Srpska Radovan Karadžić
(Presiden Republik Srpska) Republik Srpska Ratko Mladić
(Ketua Staf VRS) Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Momčilo Perišić
(Ketua Staf VJ) Federal Republic of YugoslaviaSerbia Vojislav Šešelj
(Pemimpin para-tentera leader)


Fikret Abdić (Pemangku Presiden AP Bosnia Barat)
dan lain-lain

Kekuatan
ARBiH:
110,000 tentera
100,000 tentera simpanan
40 tanks
30 APC[3]
HVO:
45,000–50,000 tentera[4]
75 kereta kebal
50 APC
200 meriam[5]
HV:
15,000 tentera[6]
VRS:
80,000 tentera
300 kereta kebal
700 APC
800 meriam [7]
AP Western Bosnia:
4,000–5,000 tentera[8]
Kerugian dan kehilangan
30,521 tentera terbunuh
31,583 orang awam terbunuh[1][2]
6,000 tentera terbunuh
2,484 orang awam terbunuh[1][2]
21,173 tentera terbunuh
4,179 orang awam terbunuh[1][2]
tambahan 5,100 orang terbunuh atas sebab-sebab yang tidak diketahui[9]
Nota
a Bermula pada 1992 sehingga 1994, Republik Bosnia dan Herzegovina tidak disokong oleh majoriti etnik Croat Bosnia dan Serb (yang mana memiliki entiti bermusuhan di antara mereka). Akibatnya, ia hanya diwakili oleh etnik Bosniak di Bosnia dan Herzegovina. Selepas perang, Bosnia dan Herzegovina terdiri daripada ketiga-tiga kumpulan etnik Bosnia.

b Antara tahun 1994 dan 1995, Republik Bosnia dan Herzegovina telah disokong dan diwakili oleh kedua-dua etnik Bosniak dan Croat Bosnia. Ia di sebabkan oleh Persetujuan Washington.

sunting
Lihat pendokumenan templat ini

Perang Bosnia merupakan sebuah konflik berseenjata antarabangsa yang terjadi di Bosnia dan Herzegovina antara tahun 1992 hingga 1995. Berikutan berlakunya sejumlah peristiwa keganasan pada awal tahun 1992, mengikut pendapat umum perang ini dipercayai bermula pada 1 Mac 1992 dan tamat padaa 14 Disember 1995. Pihak-pihak utama yang bertelagah adalah tentera Republik Bosnia dan Herzegovina dan pihak-pihak Serb and Croat Bosnia mereka yang membuat pengistiharan sendiri akan entiti berasingan di dalam wilayah Bosnia dan Herzegovina, Republik Srpska dan Herzeg-Bosnia, yang mana telah dipimpin dan disokong oleh Serbia dan Croatia.[10][11][12]

Perang ini merupakan sebahagian peristiwa yang berlaku selepas perpecahan Yugoslavia. Selepas pemisahan Slovenia dan Croatia daripada Republik Persekutuan Sosialis Yugoslavia pada tahun 1991, negeri pelbagai etnik Republik Sosialis Bosnia dan Herzegovina, yang didiami oleh Muslim Bosniaks (44 peratus), selain etnik Serb Ortodok (32.5 peratus) dan Croat Katolik (17 peratus), telah meluluskan satu referendum untuk merdeka pada 29 Februari 1992.

Referendum ini telah ditolak oleh para perwakilan Serb Bosnia, yang telah memboikot referendum ini dan mewujudkan republik mereka sendiri. Berikutan pengistiharan kemerdekaan Bosnia dan Herzegovina (yang mana mendapat pengiktirafan antarabangsa), Serb Bosnia, diketuai oleh Radovan Karadžić dan disokong oleh kerajaan Serbia yang dipimpin oleh Slobodan Milošević dan Tentera Rakyat Yugoslavia (JNA), menggerakan pasukan tentera mereka mara ke dalam Republik Bosnia dan Herzegovina sebagai langkah untuk mengawal wilayah Serb, kemudian merebak ke seluruh negara. Mereka juga melakukan penghapusan etnik Bosniak dan Croat, terutamanya di timur Bosnia dan seluruh Republika Srpska.[13]

Ia bermula dengan konflik wilayah, pada awalnya di antara tentera Serb yang disusun dalam Tentera Republika Srpska (VRS) dengan Tentera Republik Bosnia dan Herzegovina (ARBiH) yang masa sebahagian besarnya terdiri daripada etnik Bosniak, dan tentera Croat dari Majlis Pertahanan Croatia (HVO). Puak Croat juga ingin merampas sebahagian wilayah Bosnia dan Herzegovina menjadi milik mereka.[14] Pemimpin politik Serb dan Croat kemudian bersetuju untuk memecahkan wilayah Bosnia berdasarkan Persetujuan Karađorđevo dan Graz, mengakibatkan puak tentera Croat berpaling dan menentang ARBiH dan mencetus Perang Bosniak-Croat.[15] Perang Bosnia digambarkan sebagai peperangan yang pahit, pengeboman sembarangan ke atas bandar dan kota, penghapusan etnik dan perogolan massa secara sistematik, kebanyakan dilakukan oleh tentera Serb, dan peringkat yang rendah sedikit, tentera Croat[16] and Bosniak[17]. Peristiwa-peristiwa seperti Pengepungan Sarajevo dan pembunuhan beramai-ramai Srebrenica kemudian menjadi ikon konflik ini.

Etnik Serb, meskipun pada awalnya lebih berkuasa dari segi persenjataan dan sumber-sumber yang dibekalkan oleh JNA, akhirnya hilang momentum apabila etnik Bosniak dan Croat bersekutu menentang Republika Srpska pada tahun 1994 dengan penubuhan Persekutuan Bosnia dan Herzegovina berikutan Persetujuan Washington. Selepas pembunuhan beramai-ramai di Srebrenica dan Markale, NATO mula masuk campur pada tahun 1995 dan melaksanakan Operasi Deliberate Force yang menyasarkan kedudukan tentera Republika Srpska, yang mana menjadi kunci kepada tamatnya perang.[18][19] Perang ini akhirnya tamat selepas Persetujuan Rangka Kerja Umum untuk Keamanan di Bosnia dan Herzegovina ditandatangani di Paris pada 14 Disember 1995. Rundingan damai telah diadakan di Dayton, Ohio dan dimuktamadkan pada 21 November 1995.[20] Berdasarkan pada sebuah laporan yang disusun oleh PBB, dan dipenggerusikan oelh M. Cherif Bassiouni, meskipun semua pihak bertanggungjawab atass jenayah perang semasa konflik, tentera Serbia bertanggungjawab untuk 90 peratus daripadanya, tentera Croatia enam peratus dan tentera Bosniak sebanyak empat peratus.[21] Laporan ini menguatkan kesimpulan anggaran yang diterbitkan oleh Agensi Perisikan Pusat pada tahun 1995.[22][23]

Pada awal tahun 2008, Tribunal Jenayah Antarabangsa untuk Bekas Yugoslavia telah menyabitkan 45 orang Serb, 12 orang Croat dan 4 orang Bosniak di atas jenayah perang berkaitan dengan Perang Bosnia.[24]Templat:Update inline Anggaran terkini mencadangkan angka korban adalah sekitar 100,000 orang telah terbunuh semasa perang.[25][26] Over 2.2 million people were displaced,[27] menjadikan ia sebuah konflik yang paling membinasakan di Eropah sejak berkahirnya Perang Dunia II.[28][29] Selain itu, dianggarkan 12–20,000 wanita telah dirogol, kebanyakan mereka adalah etnik Bosniak.[30][31]

Kronologi[sunting | sunting sumber]

Terdapat perdebatan berkenaan tercetusnya Perang Bosnia. Klejda Mulaj menyatakan bahawa pertikaian di antara Muslim Bosnia, Serb dan Croat bermula pada akhir bulan Februari 1992, dan "permusuhan berskala besar meledak pada 6 April".[6] Ia merupakan hari yang sama apabila Amerika Syarikat[32] dan Kesatuan Eropah[33] mengakui kemerdekaan Bosnia dan Herzegovina.[34][35] Mulaj melaporkan bahawa Misha Glenny memberi tarikh 22 Mac, Tom Gallagher pula pada 2 April, sementara Mary Kaldor, Laura Silber dan Allan Little menyatakan 6 April.[36] Philip Hammond menyatakan bahawa "Serb Bosnia mempertikai tarikh ia bermula pada 1 Mac 1992, dengan berlakunya kes tembakan ke arah tetamu di sebuah majlis perkahwinan etnik Serb", tetapi mengatakan "mereka yang lain kekal berpendapat bahawa ia bermula dengan pengiktirafan oleh Komuniti Eropah (EC) ke atas Bosnia-Herzegovina sebagai sebuah negara merdeka, pada 6 April", mendakwa ia adalah pendapat biasa akan permulaan perang pada 6 April 1992.[34]

Sebilangan etnik Bosniak menganggap korban pertama perang adalah Suada Dilberović dan Olga Sučić. Kedua-duanya telah ditembak semasa dalam satu perarakan aman pada 5 April di sebuah hotel yang mana di bawah kawalan oleh Parti Demokratik Serbia.[37][38][39] Etnik Serb pula menganggap Nikola Gardović, bapa pengantin yang terbunuh di sebuah majlis perkahwinan pada hari kedua Referendum Kemerdekaan Bosnia,pada 1 Mac 1992, di Baščaršija, merupakan korban pertama perang.[40]

Perang ini tamat apabila Persetujuan Rangka Kerja Umum untuk Keamanan di Bosnia dan Herzegovina, yang dirundingkan di Pangkalan Tentera Udara Wright-Patterson di Dayton, Ohio antara 01-21 November 1995 dan ditandatangani di Paris pada 14 Disember 1995.[41]

Latar belakang[sunting | sunting sumber]

Perpecahan Yugoslavia[sunting | sunting sumber]

Perang di Bosnia dan Herzegovina terjadi ekoran keputusan perpecahan dalam Republik Persekutuan Sosialis Yugoslavia. Satu krisis timbul Yugoslavia sebagai akibat daripada sistem persekutuan yang melemah pada akhir Perang Dingin. Di Yugoslavia, parti komunis kebangsaan, Liga Komunis Yugoslavia, telah kehilangan potensi ideologinya. Sementara itu, semangat nasionalisme mendapat pembaharuan pada tahun 1980-an, selepas keganasan tercetus di Kosovo.[42] Sementara tujuan utama nasionalis Serbia ingin menjadi ia sebagai pusat Yugoslavia, para nasionalis lain di Yugoslavia bercita-cita untuk nyah-pusatkan negeri ini.[43]

Bosnia dan Herzegovina, sebuah bekas wilayah Uthmaniyyah, dari segi sejarahnya adalah negeri berbilang etnik. Berdasarkan bancian pada 1991, 44% daripada jumlah penduduk menganggap mereka adalah Muslim (Bosniak), 32.5% Serb dan 17% Croat, dan 6% mengatakan mereka adalah etnik Yugoslavia.[44]

Pada Mac 1989, krisis di Yugoslavia semakin melarat apabila penerimaan pindaan Pelembagaan Serbia membenarkan kerajaan Serbia untuk menguasai wilayah Kosovo dan Vojvodina.[45] Sebelum itu, Kosovo dan Vojvodina bebas untuk membuat keputusan dan kedua-dua wilayah pemerintahan sendiri ini juga boleh membuat undian di peringkat persekutuan Yugoslavai. Serbia, di bawah presiden yang baru dipilih Slobodan Milošević, berjaya mengawal tiga daripada lapan undi di bawah pengaruh presiden. Dengan tambahan undian daripada Montenegro, Serbia berjaya untuk mempengaruhi keputusan kerajaan persekutuan. Keadaan ini mengundang bantahan daripada republik-republik lain dan meminta agar sebuah pembaharuan dilakukan di Persekutuan Yugoslavia. Pada Kongres Luar Biasa ke-14 parti Liga Komunis Yugoslavia pada 20 Januari 1990, para perwakilan republik tidak mencapai persetujuan akan isu-isu utama yang dihadapi oleh persekutuan Yugoslavia. Akibatnya, perwakilan Slovenia dan Croatia meninggalkan kongres. Perwakilan Slovenia, diketuai oleh Milan Kučan mendesak perubahan demokratik dan persekutuan yang lebih longgar, sementara perwakilan Serbia, yang diketuai oleh Milošević, menentangnya.[petikan diperlukan]

Dalam pilihanraya pelbagai parti yang pertama pada November 1990, di Bosnia dan Herzegovina, pengundian dibuat berdasarkan etnik, membuah kejayaan kepada Parti Tindakan Demokratik Bosniak, Parti Demokratik Serbia dan Kesatuan Demokratik Croatia.[46]

Parti-parti ini membahagikan kuasa berdasarkan etnik yang mana melihat Presiden Republik Sosialis Bosnia dan Herzegovina adalah seorang Bosniak, presiden Parlimen adalah seorang Serb dan Perdana Menteri adalah seorang Croat. Parti nasionalis pemisahan mendapat kuasa di republik-republik lain, termasuk Croatia dan Slovenia.[47]

Permulaan Perang Yugoslavia[sunting | sunting sumber]

Pada bulan Mac 1991, perbincangan di antara Franjo Tuđman dan Slobodan Milošević, yang mana kemudian dikenali sebagai Persetujuan Karađorđevo, dilaporkan memasukan "...pembahagian Bosnia dan Herzegovina antara Serbia dan Croatia."[48] Pada 25 Jun 1991, Slovenia dan Croatia mengistiharkan kemerdekaan, yang mana membawa kepada konflik singkat bersenjata di Slovenia yang dipanggil Perang Sepuluh Hari, dan perang besar di Croatia dalam Perang Kemerdekaan Croatia di kawasan yang mempunyai populasi tinggi etnik Serb. Pada separuh kedua tahun 1991, perang menjadi semakin hebat di Croatia. Tentera Rakyat Yugoslavia (JNA) juga menyerang Croatia dari Bosnia-Herzegovina.[49]

SAO Bosanska Krajina, SAO Herzegovina, SAO Bosnia Timur Laut, dan SAO Romanija merupakan Wilayah Autonomi Serbia yang diistiharkan sendiri dan dibentuk pada pertengahan tahun 1991 di dalam wilayah Bosnia dan Herzegovina. Pada September 1991, Komuniti Ekonomi Eropah menganjurkan satu persidangan dalam cubaan untuk mengelakkan Bosnia dan Herzegovina tercebak ke dalam kancah perang. Ia menghasilkan Persetujuan Lisbon, yang juga dikenali sebagai rancangan Carrington-Cutileiro, dinamakan bersempena nama penciptanya Lord Carrington dan duta Portugal José Cutileiro. Mereka telah mencadangkan perkongsian kuasa etnik dalam kesemua peringkat pentadbiran dan penurunan kuasa kerajaan pusat kepada komuniti tempatan. Rancangan ini membayangkan kesemua daerah Bosnia dan Herzegovina tidak lagi akan dikelaskan sebagai Bosniak, Serb atau Croat, di mana tiada mana-mana etnik akan menjadi penduduk majoriti.[petikan diperlukan]

Pada 25 September 1991, Majlis Keselamatan PBB telah meluluskan Resolusi 713, yang mengenakan embargo senjata kepada bekas wilayah Yugoslavia. Tindakan embargo ini sangat menjejaskan Tentera Republik Bosnia dan Herzegovina kerana Republik Serbia mewarisi sebahagian besar bekalan persenjataan Tentera Rakyat Yugoslavia manakala Tentera Croatia boleh menyeludup senjata melalui pantainya. Lebih 55% senjata dan berek di bekas Yugoslavia terletak di Bosnia, disebabkan kelebihnya kawasan pergunungannya sekiranya Yugoslavia diserang dan berlakunya peperangan gerila. Akan tetapi, kebanyakan kemudahan dan kilang (seperti kilang UNIS PRETIS di Vogošća) berada di bawah kawalan Serb, manakala yang lain tidak dapat digunakan di sebabkan kekangan kuasa elektrik dan bahan mentah.[petikan diperlukan]

On 19 September 1991, the JNA moved extra troops to the area around the city of Mostar, which was publicly protested by the local government. On 20 September 1991, the JNA transferred troops to the front at Vukovar via the Višegrad region of northeastern Bosnia. In response, local Croats and Bosniaks set up barricades and machine-gun posts. They halted a column of 60 JNA tanks but were dispersed by force the following day. More than 1,000 people had to flee the area. This action, nearly seven months before the start of the Bosnian War, caused the first casualties of the Yugoslav Wars in Bosnia.[50]

Five days later, the JNA attacked the Croat village of Ravno in eastern Herzegovina on their way to attack Dubrovnik, and in the first days of October it leveled it, killing eight Croat civilians. The objectives of the nationalists in Croatia were shared by Croat nationalists in Bosnia and Herzegovina.[51] The ruling party in the Republic of Croatia, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), organised and controlled the branch of the party in Bosnia and Herzegovina. By the latter part of 1991, the more extreme elements of the party, under the leadership of Mate Boban, Dario Kordić, Jadranko Prlić, Ignac Koštroman, as well as local leaders such as Anto Valenta,[51] and with the support of Franjo Tuđman and Gojko Šušak, had taken effective control of the party. This coincided with the peak of the Croatian War of Independence. On 6 October 1991, Bosnian president Alija Izetbegović gave a televised proclamation of neutrality that included the statement:

Remember, this is not our war. Let those who want it to have it. We do not want that war.[52]

Massacres continued, and over the next few days the JNA leveled another 21 Croat villages in eastern Herzegovina.[49] On 13 October 1991, Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadžić expressed his view about the future of Bosnia and Bosnian Muslims: "In just a couple of days, Sarajevo will be gone and there will be five hundred thousand dead, in one month Muslims will be annihilated in Bosnia and Herzegovina".[53]

In the meantime, president Alija Izetbegović made the following statement before the Bosnian parliament on October 14 with regard to the JNA:

Do not do anything against the Army. (…) the presence of the Army is a stabilizing factor to us, and we need that Army (…). Until now we did not have problems with the Army, and we will not have problems later.[54]

Krisis politik terakhir[sunting | sunting sumber]

On 15 October 1991, the parliament of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Sarajevo passed a "Memorandum on the Sovereignty of Bosnia-Herzegovina" by a simple majority.[55][56] The Memorandum was hotly contested by the Bosnian Serb members of parliament, arguing that Amendment LXX of the Constitution required procedural safeguards and a 2/3 majority for such issues. The Memorandum was debated anyway, leading to a boycott of the parliament by the Bosnian Serbs, and during the boycott the legislation was passed.[57]

The Serb members of parliament, consisting mainly of the Serb Democratic Party (SDS) members, but also including some other party representatives (which would form the "Independent Members of Parliament Caucus"), abandoned the central parliament in Sarajevo, and formed the Assembly of the Serb People of Bosnia and Herzegovina on 24 October 1991, marking the end of the tri-ethnic coalition that had governed after the elections in 1990.[58]

On 18 November 1991, the Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina established the Croatian Community of Herzeg-Bosnia, and its founding document said: "The Community shall respect the democratically elected government of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina as long as Bosnia-Herzegovina remains an independent state in relation to former or any future Yugoslavia." Herzeg-Bosnia was not the only Croat community on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Croatian Community of Bosanska Posavina was established to "unify all political activities in the defence of Bosnia and Herzegovina and to strengthen the Croatian population in it".[59]

On 7 January 1992, the Serb members of the Prijedor Municipal Assembly and the presidents of the local Municipal Boards of the SDS proclaimed the Assembly of the Serbian People of the Municipality of Prijedor and implemented secret instructions that were issued earlier on 19 December 1991. The Organisation and Activity of Organs of the Serbian People in Bosnia and Herzegovina in Extraordinary Circumstances provided a plan for the SDS take-over of municipalities in BiH and included plans for the creation of Crisis Staffs.[60] Milomir Stakić, later convicted by ICTY of mass crimes against humanity against Bosniak and Croat civilians, was elected President of this Assembly.[61]

On 9 January 1992, the Assembly of the Serb People of Bosnia and Herzegovina adopted a declaration proclaiming the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina ("SR BiH", later Republika Srpska).[62] The Arbitration Commission of the Peace Conference on Yugoslavia in its 11 January 1992 Opinion No. 4 on Bosnia and Herzegovina stated that the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina should not be recognised because the country had not yet held a referendum on independence.[63]

On 17 January 1992, the Prijedor Serb Assembly endorsed joining the Serbian territories of the Municipality of Prijedor to the Autonomous Region of Bosnian Krajina in order to create a separate Serbian state in ethnic Serb territories.[61]

On 25 January 1992, an hour after the session of parliament was adjourned, the parliament called for a referendum on independence on 29 February and 1 March.[55] The Croatian War of Independence would result in United Nations Security Council Resolution 743 on 21 February 1992, which created the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in accordance with the Secretary-General's report S/23592 of 15 February 1992. On 28 February 1992, the Constitution of the SR BiH declared that the territory of that Republic included "the territories of the Serbian Autonomous Regions and Districts and of other Serbian ethnic entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the regions in which the Serbian people remained in the minority due to the genocide conducted against it in World War II", and it was declared to be a part of Yugoslavia.[60]

The Bosnian Serb assembly members advised Serbs to boycott the referendums held on 29 February and 1 March 1992. The turnout to the referendums was reported as 63.7%, with 92.7% of voters voting in favour of independence (implying that Bosnian Serbs, which made up approximately 34% of the population, largely boycotted the referendum).[64] The Serb political leadership used the referenda as a pretext to set up roadblocks in protest. Independence was formally declared by the Bosnian parliament on 3 March 1992.[65][66]

On 18 March 1992, all three sides signed the Lisbon Agreement: Alija Izetbegović for the Bosniaks, Radovan Karadžić for the Serbs and Mate Boban for the Croats. However, on 28 March 1992, Izetbegović, after meeting with the then-US ambassador to Yugoslavia Warren Zimmermann in Sarajevo, withdrew his signature and declared his opposition to any type of ethnic division of Bosnia.

What was said and by whom remains unclear. Zimmerman denies that he told Izetbegovic that if he withdrew his signature, the United States would grant recognition to Bosnia as an independent state. What is indisputable is that Izetbegovic, that same day, withdrew his signature and renounced the agreement.[67]

In late March 1992, there was fighting between Serbs and combined Croat and Bosniak forces in and near Bosanski Brod,[68] resulting in the killing of Serb villagers in Sijekovac.[69] Serb paramilitaries committed the Bijeljina massacre, most of the victims of which were Bosniaks, on 1–2 April 1992.[70]

Warring factions[sunting | sunting sumber]

Bosnia and Herzegovina received international recognition on 6 April 1992.[65][66]

The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was admitted as a member State of the United Nations on 22 May 1992.[71] On 12 August 1992, the name of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was changed to Republika Srpska (RS).[60][62]

The Bosnian government lobbied to have the arms embargo lifted, but that was opposed by the United Kingdom, France and Russia. U.S. proposals to pursue this policy were known as lift and strike. The US congress passed two resolutions calling for the embargo to be lifted but both were vetoed by President Bill Clinton for fear of creating a rift between the US and the aforementioned countries. Nonetheless, the United States used both "black" C-130 transports and back channels, including Islamist groups, to smuggle weapons to Bosnian-Muslim forces, as well as allowed Iranian-supplied arms to transit through Croatia to Bosnia.[72][73][74] However, in light of widespread NATO opposition to American (and possibly Turkish) endeavors in coordinating the "black flights of Tuzla", the United Kingdom and Norway expressed disapproval of these measures and their counterproductive effects on NATO enforcement of the arms embargo.[75] Inter Services Intelligence also played an active role during 1992–1995 and secretly supplied the Muslim fighters with arms, ammunition and guided anti tank missiles to give them a fighting chance against the aggression.

Following the declaration of independence of Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Serbs from B&H with support[petikan diperlukan] from Serbia, attacked different parts of the country. The state administration of Bosnia and Herzegovina effectively ceased to function having lost control over the entire territory. The Serbs wanted all lands where Serbs had a majority, eastern and western Bosnia. The Croats and their leader Franjo Tuđman also aimed at securing parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina as Croatian. The policies of the Republic of Croatia and its leader Tuđman towards Bosnia and Herzegovina were never totally transparent and always included Tuđman's ultimate aim of expanding Croatia's borders.[76] The Bosnian government forces were poorly equipped and unprepared for war.[77]

Alija Izetbegović during his visit to the United States in 1997.

The Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) officially left Bosnia and Herzegovina on 12 May 1992 shortly after independence was declared in April 1992. However, most of the command chain, weaponry, and higher-ranked military personnel, including General Ratko Mladić, remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Army of Republika Srpska (Vojska Republike Srpske, VRS) as the armed forces of the newly created Bosnian Serb republic. The Croats organised a defensive military formation of their own called the Croatian Defense Council (Hrvatsko Vijeće Obrane, HVO) as the armed forces of Herzeg-Bosnia. The Bosniaks mainly organised into the Army of Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Armija Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, ARBiH) as the armed forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Initially, 25% of the ARBiH was composed of non-Bosniaks, especially in the 1st Corps in Sarajevo. Sefer Halilović, Chief of Staff of the Bosnian Territorial Defense, claimed in June 1992 that his forces were 70% Muslim, 18% Croat and 12% Serb.[78]

The percentage of Serb and Croat soldiers in the Bosnian Army was particularly high in Sarajevo, Mostar and Tuzla.[79] The deputy commander of the Bosnian Army's Headquarters, was general Jovan Divjak, the highest-ranking ethnic Serb in the Bosnian Army. General Stjepan Šiber, an ethnic Croat was the second deputy commander. President Izetbegović also appointed colonel Blaž Kraljević, commander of the Croatian Defence Forces in Herzegovina, to be a member of Bosnian Army's Headquarters, seven days before Kraljević's assassination, in order to assemble a multi-ethnic pro-Bosnian defense front.[80] This diversity was to reduce over the course of the war.[78][81]

Heavily damaged apartment buildings near Vrbanja bridge in the Grbavica district on the left bank of the Miljacka river.

Various paramilitary units were operated during the Bosnian War: the Serb "White Eagles" (Beli Orlovi), Arkan's "Tigers", "Serbian Volunteer Guard" (Srpska Dobrovoljačka Garda), Bosnians "Patriotic League" (Patriotska Liga) and "Green Berets" (Zelene Beretke), and Croatian "Croatian Defence Forces" (Hrvatske Obrambene Snage), etc. The Serb and Croat paramilitaries involved volunteers from Serbia and Croatia, and were supported by nationalist political parties in those countries.[petikan diperlukan]

Forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina were divided into 5 Corps. 1st Corps operated in the region of Sarajevo and Gorazde while a stronger 5th Corps was positioned in the western Bosanska Krajina pocket, which cooperated with HVO units in and around Bihać. The Serbs received support from Christian Slavic fighters from various countries in Eastern Europe.[82][83] Greek volunteers of the Greek Volunteer Guard were reported to have taken part in the Srebrenica Massacre, with the Greek flag being hoisted in Srebrenica when the town fell to the Serbs.[84]

Some individuals from other European countries, volunteered to fight for the Croat side, including Neo-Nazis, such as Jackie Arklöv, who was charged with war crimes upon his return to Sweden. Later he confessed he committed war crimes on Bosnian Muslim civilians in the Heliodrom and Dretelj camps as a member of Croatian forces.[85]

The Bosnians received support from Muslim groups. According to some US NGO reports, there were also several hundred Iranian Revolutionary Guards assisting the Bosnian government during the war.[86] Other foreign Muslim fighters also joined the ranks of the Bosnian Muslims, including from the Lebanese guerrilla organization Hezbollah.[87] These were reserved for duties requiring close combat engagements, simply because their skill and experience was too valuable to be wasted in other less complicated duties.[petikan diperlukan]

In his book The Clinton Tapes: Wrestling History with the President from 2009, historian and author Taylor Branch, a friend of U.S. President Bill Clinton, made public more than 70 recorded sessions with the president during his presidency from 1993 through 2001.[88][89] According to a session taped on 14 October 1993, it is stated that:

Clinton said U.S. allies in Europe blocked proposals to adjust or remove the embargo. They justified their opposition on plausible humanitarian grounds, arguing that more arms would only fuel the bloodshed, but privately, said the president, key allies objected that an independent Bosnia would be "unnatural" as the only Muslim nation in Europe. He said they favored the embargo precisely because it locked in Bosnia's disadvantage. [..] When I expressed shock at such cynicism, reminiscent of the blind-eye diplomacy regarding the plight of Europe's Jews during World War II, President Clinton only shrugged. He said President François Mitterrand of France had been especially blunt in saying that Bosnia did not belong, and that British officials also spoke of a painful but realistic restoration of Christian Europe. Against Britain and France, he said, German chancellor Helmut Kohl among others had supported moves to reconsider the United Nations arms embargo, failing in part because Germany did not hold a seat on the U.N. Security Council.
—Taylor Branch, The Clinton Tapes: Wrestling History with the President[90]

Penyebab perang[sunting | sunting sumber]

1992[sunting | sunting sumber]

At the outset of the Bosnian war, Serb forces attacked the Bosnian Muslim civilian population in eastern Bosnia.[91][92] Once towns and villages were securely in their hands, the Serb forces – military, police, the paramilitaries and, sometimes, even Serb villagers – applied the same pattern: houses and apartments were systematically ransacked or burnt down, civilians were rounded up or captured, and sometimes beaten or killed in the process. Men and women were separated, with many of the men massacred or detained in camps. Women and children were kept in various detention centres where they had to live in intolerably unhygienic conditions, where they were mistreated in many ways including being raped repeatedly. Serb soldiers or policemen would come to these detention centres, select one or more women or girls, take them out and rape them.[91][92] Serbs had the upper hand due to heavier weaponry (though lower manpower) that was given to them by the Yugoslav People's Army and established control over most areas where Serbs were the majority but also in areas where they were a significant minority in both rural and urban regions except the larger towns of Sarajevo and Mostar.[petikan diperlukan]

A victim of a mortar attack delivered to a Sarajevo hospital in 1992.

The Siege of Sarajevo started in early April 1992. Most of the capital Sarajevo was held by the Bosniaks.[petikan diperlukan] In the 44 months of the siege, terror against Sarajevo residents varied in intensity, but the purpose remained the same: inflict suffering on civilians to force the Bosnian authorities to accept Serb demands.[93] The VRS surrounded it (alternatively, the Serb forces situated themselves in the areas surrounding Sarajevo the so-called Ring around Sarajevo), deploying troops and artillery in the surrounding hills in what would become the longest siege in the history of modern warfare lasting nearly four years.[94]

A funeral during the Siege of Sarajevo in 1992

In May 1992, the 1992 Yugoslav People's Army column incident in Sarajevo happened. During April–May 1992 fierce attacks raged in eastern Bosnia as well as the northwestern part of the country. In April attacks by the SDS leaders, together with field officers of the Second Military Command of former JNA, were conducted in eastern part of the country with the objective to take strategically relevant positions and carry out a communication and information blockade. Attacks carried out resulted in a large number of dead and wounded civilians.[95]

By June 1992, the number of refugees and internally displaced persons had reached 2.6 million.[96]

The Graz agreement was signed between the Bosnian Serb and Bosnian Croat leaders in early May 1992. The Croat-Bosniak War began in June 1992. By September 1992, Croatia had accepted 335,985 refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina, mostly Bosniak civilians (excluding men of drafting age).[97] The large number of refugees significantly strained the Croatian economy and infrastructure.[98]

Then-U.S. Ambassador to Croatia, Peter Galbraith, tried to put the number of Muslim refugees in Croatia into a proper perspective in an interview on 8 November 1993. He said the situation would be the equivalent of the United States taking in 30,000,000 refugees.[99] The number of Bosnian refugees in Croatia was at the time surpassed only by the number of the internally displaced persons within Bosnia and Herzegovina itself, at 588,000.[97] Serbia took in 252,130 refugees from Bosnia, while other former Yugoslav republics received a total of 148,657 people.[97]

In June 1992, the Bosnian Serbs started Operation Vrbas '92 and Operation Koridor. The reported deaths of twelve newborn babies in Banja Luka hospital due to a shortage of bottled oxygen for incubators was cited as an immediate cause for the action,[100] but the veracity of these deaths has since been questioned. Borisav Jović, a contemporary high-ranking Serbian official and member of the Yugoslav Presidency, has claimed that the report was just wartime propaganda, stating that Banja Luka had two bottled oxygen production plants in its immediate vicinity and was virtually self-reliant in that respect.[101]

In June 1992, the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) originally deployed in Croatia had its mandate extended into Bosnia and Herzegovina, initially to protect the Sarajevo International Airport. In September, the role of UNPROFOR was expanded to protect humanitarian aid and assist relief delivery in the whole Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as to help protect civilian refugees when required by the Red Cross.[petikan diperlukan]

Kempen penghapusan etnik di timur Bosnia 1992[sunting | sunting sumber]

Awalnya, tentera Serb menyerang penduduk bukan Serb di timur Bosnia. Apabila bandar dan kampung berjaya ditawan oleh mereka, tentera Serb – tentera, polis, separa tentera and, kadang kala penduduk awam Serb – menggunakan corak yang sama: rumah dan apartmen etnik Bosniak akan diselongkar dan dibakar secara sistematik, penduduk awam Bosniak akan dikepung atau ditawan, dan kadang kala dipukul atau dibunuh. Lelaki dan wanita akan diasingkan, dengan kebanyakkan daripada mereka ditahan di dalam kem.[92]

Wilayah Prijedor[sunting | sunting sumber]

Detainees at the Trnopolje camp, near Prijedor. (Photograph provided courtesy of the ICTY)

On 23 April 1992, the SDS decided inter alia that all Serb units would immediately prepare to take over the Prijedor municipality in co-ordination with the JNA. By the end of April 1992, a number of clandestine Serb police stations were created in the municipality and more than 1,500 armed Serbs were ready to take part in the takeover.[61]

A declaration on the takeover prepared by the Serb politicians from the SDS was read out on Radio Prijedor the day after the takeover and was repeated throughout the day. During the night of 29–30 April 1992, the takeover took place. Employees of the public security stations and reserve police gathered in Cirkin Polje, part of the town of Prijedor. Only Serbs were present and some of them were wearing military uniforms. The people there were given the task of taking over power in the municipality and were broadly divided into five groups. Each group of about twenty had a leader and each was ordered to gain control of certain buildings. One group was responsible for the Assembly building, one for the main police building, one for the courts, one for the bank and the last for the post-office.[61]

Serb authorities set up concentration camps and determined who should be responsible for the running of those camps. The Keraterm factory was set up as a camp on or around 23–24 May 1992.[61] The Omarska mine complex was located about 20 km from the town of Prijedor. The first detainees were taken to the camp sometime in late May 1992 (between 26 and 30 May). According to Serb authorities' documents from Prijedor, 3,334 persons were held in the camp from 27 May to 16 August 1992. 3,197 of them were Bosniaks (i.e. Bosnian Muslims), and 125 were Croats. The Trnoplje camp was set up in the village of Trnoplje on 24 May 1992. The camp was guarded on all sides by the Serb army. There were machine gun nests and well-armed posts pointing their guns towards the camp. There were several thousand people detained in the camp. The vast majority of them were Bosnian Muslims; some were Croats.[61]

The ICTY concluded that the Serb takeover was as an illegal coup d'état, which was planned and coordinated a long time in advance with the ultimate aim of creating a pure Serbian municipality. These plans were never hidden and they were implemented in a coordinated action by the Serb police, army and politicians. One of the leading figures was Milomir Stakić, who came to play the dominant role in the political life of the Municipality.[61]

JNA troops under control of Serbia took over at least 60 percent of Prijedor try before the official withdrawal on 19 May of all non-Bosnian soldiers.[102] Much of this was due to their being much better armed and organised than the Bosniak and Bosnian Croat forces. They attacked areas of mixed ethnic composition. Doboj, Foča, Rogatica, Vlasenica, Bratunac, Zvornik, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Ključ, Brčko, Derventa, Modriča, Bosanska Krupa, Bosanski Brod, Bosanski Novi, Glamoč, Bosanski Petrovac, Čajniče, Bijeljina, Višegrad, Donji Vakuf, and parts of Sarajevo are areas where Serbs established control and expelled Bosniaks and Croats. More ethnically homogeneous areas were spared major fighting such as Banja Luka, Bosanska Dubica, Bosanska Gradiška, Bileća, Gacko, Han Pijesak, Kalinovik, Nevesinje, Trebinje, and Rudo and their non-Serb populations expelled. The regions of central Bosnia and Herzegovina (Sarajevo, Zenica, Maglaj, Zavidovići, Bugojno, Mostar, Konjic, etc.) saw the flight of ethnic Serbs, migrating to Serb-held areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina.[petikan diperlukan]

Majlis Pertahanan Croat mengambil alih tengah Bosnia[sunting | sunting sumber]

Pressured and contained by heavily armed Serb forces in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia, the major Croat force – the HVO (Croatian Defence Council) shifted their focus from defending their parts of Bosnia from Serbs to trying to capture remaining territory held by Bosnian Army. To accomplish this, HVO forces would have to both quell dissent from the moderate Croatian Defence Forces (HOS) armed group and defeat the Bosnian Army, as the territory the HVO wanted was under the control of the Bosnian government. The HVO, with great support from the Croatian military, attacked Bosniak civilian population in Herzegovina and in central Bosnia starting an ethnic cleansing of Bosniak populated territories.[petikan diperlukan]

The Graz agreement of May 1992 caused deep division inside the Croat community and strengthened the separation group, which led to the conflict with Bosniaks. One of the primary pro-union Croat leaders was Blaž Kraljević, leader of the Croatian Defence Forces (HOS) armed group, which also had a Croatian nationalist agenda but, unlike HVO, it fully supported cooperation with the Bosniaks. In June 1992 the focus switched to Novi Travnik and Gornji Vakuf where the Croat Defence Council (HVO) efforts to gain control were resisted. On 18 June 1992 the Bosnian Territorial Defence in Novi Travnik received an ultimatum from the HVO that included demands to abolish existing Bosnia and Herzegovina institutions, establish the authority of the Croatian Community of Herzeg-Bosnia and pledge allegiance to it, subordinate the Territorial Defense to the HVO and expel Muslim refugees, all within 24 hours. The attack was launched on 19 June. The elementary school and the Post Office were attacked and damaged.[103]

Vastly underequipped Bosnian forces, fighting on two fronts, were able to repel Croats and gain territory against them on every front. At this time, due to its geographic position, Bosnia was surrounded by Croat and Serb forces from all sides. There was no way to import weapons or food. What saved Bosnia at this time was its vast heavy industrial complex that was able to switch to military hardware production. In August 1992, HOS leader Blaž Kraljević was killed by HVO soldiers, severely weakening the moderate group which had hoped to keep the alliance between Bosniaks and Croats alive.[104]

In October 1992, Croat forces attacked Bosniaks in Prozor, killing civilians and burning homes. According to the ICTY indictment of Jadranko Prlić, HVO forces cleansed most Muslims from the town of Prozor and several surrounding villages.[59]

1993[sunting | sunting sumber]

On 8 January 1993 the Serbs killed the deputy prime minister of the RBiH Hakija Turajlić after stopping the UN convoy taking him from the airport.[105]

Numerous cease-fire agreements were signed, and breached again when one of the sides felt it was to their advantage. The UN repeatedly, but unsuccessfully attempted to stop the war and the much-touted Vance-Owen Peace Plan in the first half of 1993 made little impact. Much of 1993 was dominated by the Croat-Bosniak War. In January 1993, Croat forces attacked Gornji Vakuf, to separate Herzegovina from Bosnia.[59]

On 22 February 1993, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 808 that decided "that an international tribunal shall be established for the prosecution of persons responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law". On 15–16 May, 96% of Serbs voted to reject the Vance-Owen peace plan. After the failure of this plan, which would have resulted in the division of the country into three ethnic entities, an armed conflict sprang up between Bosniaks and Croats over the 30 percent of Bosnia the latter held. The peace plan was one of the factors leading to the escalation of the conflict, as Lord Owen avoided moderate Croat authorities (pro-unified Bosnia) and negotiated directly with more extreme elements (who were in favour of separation).[106]

On 25 May 1993 the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was formally established by Resolution 827 of the United Nations Security Council. In April 1993, the United Nations Security Council issued Resolution 816, calling on member states to enforce a no-fly zone over Bosnia-Herzegovina. On 12 April 1993, NATO commenced Operation Deny Flight to enforce this no-fly zone.[106]

Pengeboman Gornji Vakuf[sunting | sunting sumber]

Gornji Vakuf is a town to the south of the Lašva Valley and of strategic importance at a crossroads en route to Central Bosnia. It is 48 kilometres from Novi Travnik and about one hour's drive from Vitez in an armoured vehicle. For Croats it was a very important connection between the Lašva Valley and Herzegovina, two territories included in the self-proclaimed Croatian Community of Herzeg-Bosnia. The Croat forces shelling reduced much of the historical oriental centre of the town of Gornji Vakuf to rubble.[103]

On 10 January 1993, just before the outbreak of hostilities in Gornji Vakuf, the Croat Defence Council (HVO) commander Luka Šekerija, sent a "Military – Top Secret" request to Colonel Tihomir Blaškić and Dario Kordić (the latter convicted by ICTY of war crimes and crimes against humanity i.e. ethnic cleansing), for rounds of mortar shells available at the ammunition factory in Vitez.[103] Fighting then broke out in Gornji Vakuf on 11 January 1993, sparked by a bomb Croats placed in a Bosniak-owned hotel used as a military headquarters. A general outbreak of fighting followed, and there was heavy shelling of the town that night by Croat artillery.[103]

During cease-fire negotiations at the Britbat HQ in Gornji Vakuf, Colonel Andrić, representing the HVO, demanded that the ARBiH forces lay down their arms and accept HVO control of the town, threatening that if they did not agree he would flatten Gornji Vakuf to the ground.[103][107] The HVO demands were not accepted by the ARBiH and the attack continued, followed by massacres of Bosnian Muslim civilians in neighbouring villages such as Bistrica, Uzričje, Duša, Ždrimci and Hrasnica.[108][109]

During the Lašva Valley ethnic cleansing, the area was surrounded by the Croatian Army and the HVO for seven months and attacked with heavy artillery and other weapons (tanks and snipers). Although Croats often cited it as a major reason for the attack on Gornji Vakuf, the commander of the British Britbat company claimed that there were no Muslim holy warriors in Gornji Vakuf (commonly known as Bosnian mujahideen, and who, according to Richard Holbrooke, were actually Al-Qaeda)[110][tiada dalam ayat yang diberikan]| and that his soldiers did not see any. The shelling campaign and the attacks during the war resulted in hundreds of injured and killed, mainly Bosnian Muslim civilians.[103]

Penghapusan etnik Lembah Lašva[sunting | sunting sumber]

Bodies of people killed by the Croats in April 1993 around Vitez. (Photograph provided courtesy of the ICTY)

The Lašva Valley ethnic cleansing campaign against Bosniak civilians was planned by the Croatian Community of Herzeg-Bosnia's political and military leadership from May 1992 to March 1993. Fighting by the HVO which erupted the following April, was meant to implement objectives set forth by Croat nationalists in November 1991.[51] The Lašva Valley's Bosniaks were subjected to persecution on political, and religious grounds,[111] deliberately discriminated against in the context of a widespread attack on the region's civilian population[112] and suffered mass murder, rape, imprisonment in camps, as well as the destruction of cultural sites and private property. This was often followed by anti-Bosniak propaganda, particularly in the municipalities of Vitez, Busovača, Novi Travnik and Kiseljak. Ahmići massacre in April 1993, was the culmination of the Lašva Valley ethnic cleansing, resulting in mass killing of Bosnian Muslim civilians just in a few hours. The youngest was a three-month-old baby, shot to death in his crib, and the oldest was an 81-year-old woman. It was the worst massacre committed during the conflict between Croats and the Bosniak-dominated government.[petikan diperlukan]

The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has ruled that these crimes amounted to crimes against humanity in numerous verdicts against Croat political and military leaders and soldiers, most notably Dario Kordić.[103] Based upon the evidence of numerous HVO attacks at that time, the ICTY Trial Chamber concluded in the Kordić and Čerkez case that by April 1993 the Croat leadership had a common design or plan conceived and executed to ethnically cleanse Bosniaks from the Lašva Valley. Dario Kordić, as the local political leader, was found to be the planner and instigator of this plan.[103] According to the Sarajevo-based Research and Documentation Center (IDC), around 2,000 Bosniaks from the Lašva Valley are missing or were killed during this period.[113]

Perang di Herzegovina[sunting | sunting sumber]

The Croatian Community of Herzeg-Bosnia took control of many municipal governments and services in Herzegovina as well, removing or marginalising local Bosniak leaders. Herzeg-Bosnia took control of the media and imposed Croatian ideas and propaganda. Croatian symbols and currency were introduced, and Croatian curricula and the Croatian language were introduced in schools. Many Bosniaks and Serbs were removed from positions in government and private business; humanitarian aid was managed and distributed to the Bosniaks' and Serbs' disadvantage; and Bosniaks in general were increasingly harassed. Many of them were deported into concentration camps: Heliodrom, Dretelj, Gabela, Vojno and Šunje.[petikan diperlukan]

According to the ICTY judgement in Naletilić-Martinović, HVO forces attacked the villages of Sovici and Doljani, about 50 kilometers north of Mostar in the morning on 17 April 1993.[77] The attack was part of a larger HVO offensive aimed at taking Jablanica, the main Bosnian Muslim dominated town in the area. The HVO commanders had calculated that they needed two days to take Jablanica. The location of Sovici was of strategic significance for the HVO as it was on the way to Jablanica. For the ARBiH it was a gateway to the plateau of Risovac, which could create conditions for further progression towards the Adriatic coast. The larger HVO offensive on Jablanica had already started on 15 April 1993. The artillery destroyed the upper part of Sovici. The Bosnian Army was fighting back, but at about five p.m. the Bosnian Army commander in Sovici, surrendered. Approximately 70 to 75 soldiers surrendered. In total, at least 400 Bosnian Muslim civilians were detained. The HVO advance towards Jablanica was halted after a cease-fire agreement had been negotiated.[77]

Pengepungan Mostar[sunting | sunting sumber]

The Eastern part of Mostar was surrounded by HVO forces for nine months, and much of its historic city was severely damaged in shelling including the famous Stari Most bridge.[59] Mostar was divided into a Western part, which was dominated by the HVO forces and an Eastern part where the ARBiH was largely concentrated. However, the Bosnian Army had its headquarters in West Mostar in the basement of a building complex referred to as Vranica. In the early hours of 9 May 1993, the Croatian Defence Council attacked Mostar using artillery, mortars, heavy weapons and small arms. The HVO controlled all roads leading into Mostar and international organisations were denied access. Radio Mostar announced that all Bosniaks should hang out a white flag from their windows. The HVO attack had been well prepared and planned.[77]

The HVO took over the west side of the city and expelled thousands of Bosniaks to the east side.[59] The HVO shelling reduced much of the east side of Mostar to rubble. The JNA demolished Carinski Bridge, Titov Bridge and Lucki Bridge over the river excluding the Stari Most.[Penjelasan diperlukan] HVO forces (and its smaller divisions) engaged in a mass execution, ethnic cleansing and rape on the Bosniak people of the West Mostar and its surroundings and a fierce siege and shelling campaign on the Bosnian Government run East Mostar. HVO campaign resulted in thousands of injured and killed.[59]

The ARBiH launched an operation known as Operation Neretva '93 against the HVO and the Croatian Army in September 1993 to end the siege of Mostar, and recapture areas of Herzegovina included in the self-proclaimed Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia.[114] The operation was stopped by Bosnian authorities after it received information about the massacre against Croat civilians and POWs in the villages of Grabovica and Uzdol. The HVO leadership (Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Milivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić and Berislav Pušić) and the Croatian Army officer Slobodan Praljak went on trial at the ICTY on charges including crimes against humanity, grave breaches of the Geneva conventions and violations of the laws or customs of war.[59] Dario Kordić, political leader of Croats in Central Bosnia was convicted of the crimes against humanity in Central Bosnia, i.e. ethnic cleansing and sentenced to 25 years in prison.[103] ARBiH commander Sefer Halilović was charged with one count of violation of the laws and customs of war on the basis of superior criminal responsibility of the incidents during Operation Neretva '93, and acquitted.[petikan diperlukan]

Kawasan Selamat PBB[sunting | sunting sumber]

Dalam cubaan untuk melindungi orang awam, peranan UNPROFOR dipanjangkan ke bulan Mei 1993 untuk melindungi "kawasan selamat" yang telah diistiharkan oleh Majlis Keselamatan PBB di sekeliling Sarajevo, Goražde, Srebrenica, Tuzla, Žepa dan Bihać dalam Resolusi 824 pada 6 Mei 1993. Pada 4 Jun 1993, Majlis Keselamatan PBB meluluskan Resolusi 836 yang membenarkan pasukan UNPROFOR untuk menggunakan kuasa bagi melindungi zon-zon selamat ini.[115] Pada 15 Jun 1993, Operasi Sharp Guard, satu sekatan laut di Laut Adriatik oleh NATO dan Kesatuan Eropah Barat bermula tetapi ditarik semula pada 18 Jun 1996 selepas tamatnya sekatan senjata PBB.[115]

Majlis Pertahanan Croatia (HVO) dan Tentera Republik Bosnia dan Herzegovina (ARBiH) masih terus berjuang bersama-sama melawan pasukan Tentera Republika Srpska (VRS) yang lebih kuat di beberapa kawasan di Bosnia dan Herzegovina. Meskipun konfrontasi bersenjata meletus di tengah Bosnia mencetus hubungan tegang di antara HVO dan ARBiH, persekutuan Bosniak-Croat berterusan di Bihać (barat laut Bosnia) dan Bosanska Posavina (utara), di mana pasukan bersekutu ini telah dikalahkan oleh tentera Serb.[petikan diperlukan]

1994[sunting | sunting sumber]

Trup PBB dalam perjalanan di "Lorong Penembak Tepat" di Sarajevo

"Tanpa Serbia, tiada apa akan berlaku, kita tidak mempunyai sumber dan kita tidak boleh berperang."

Radovan Karadžić, former president of Republika Srpska, to the Assembly of the Republika Srpska, May 10–11, 1994.[116]

Pengusiran paksa etnik Bosniak daripada wilayah yang dikuasai oleh Serb mengakibatkan krisis pelarian terus merebak. Beribu-ribu orang menaiki bas keluar daripada Bosnia setiap bulan, diugut atas dasar keagamaan. Pada pertengahan tahun 1994, Croatia dibanjiri oleh 500,000 orang pelarian, dan pihak berkuasa Croatia menghalang sekumpulan 462 orang pelarian yang melarikan diri dari utara Bosnia, dan memaksa UNPROFOR untuk memnyediakan perlindungan kepada mereka.[117]

Pembunuhan beramai-ramai Markale[sunting | sunting sumber]

Pada 5 Februari 1994, Sarajevo mengalami serangan tunggal paling berdarah semasa tempoh kepungan dalam kejadian pembunuhan beramai-ramai Markale pertama, apabila satu peluru meriam berkaliber 120 mm jatuh di tengah-tengah pasar yang sesak, membunuh 68 orang dan mencederakan 144 orang yang lain. Pada 6 Februari, Setiausaha Agong PBB, Boutros Boutros-Ghali secara rasminya memohon NATO untuk mengesahkan bahawa permintaan serangan udara pada masa depan akan dilakukan dengan segera.[118]

Pada 9 Februari 1994, NATO memberi kuasa kepada Komander PAsukan Bersekutu Eropah Selatan (CINCSOUTH), Laksamana A.S Jeremy Boorda, untuk melancarkan serangan udara sekiranya diminta oleh PBB ke atas kedudukan artileri dan mortar di atau sekeliling Sarajevo yang dikenal pasti oleh UNPROFOR sebagai bertanggungjawab akan serangan ke atas sasaran awam di kota ini.[115][119] Greece merupakan satu-satunya negara yang tidak menyokong penggunaan serangan udara, meskipun tidak menggunakan kuasa veto di atas cadangan ini.[118]

NATO juga mengeluarkan amaran kepada Serb Bosnia mendesak agar memindahkan senjata berat di sekeliling Sarajevo menjelang tengah malam 20–21 Februari, atau menghadapi serangan udara.[118] Pada 12 Februari, Sarajevo menikmati hari kematian sifar pertama sejak bulan April 1992;[118] di mana perang ini dipercayai bermula pada 6 April 1992.[120] Pemindahan besar-besaran senjata berat Serb Bosnia bermula pada 17 Februari 1994.[118]

Persetujuan Washington[sunting | sunting sumber]

The Croat-Bosniak war officially ended on 23 February 1994 when the Commander of HVO, general Ante Roso, and commander of Bosnian Army, general Rasim Delić, signed a ceasefire agreement in Zagreb. On 18 March 1994 a peace agreement—the Washington Agreement—mediated by the USA between the warring Croats (represented by the Republic of Croatia) and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was signed in Washington and Vienna.[121]

The Washington Agreement ended the war between Croats and Bosniaks and divided the combined territory held by Croat and Bosnian government forces into ten autonomous cantons, establishing the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This reduced the warring parties to the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Army of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina composed of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH) and the Croatian Defence Council (HVO), and the Republika Srpska in the Army of Republika Srpska (VRS).[petikan diperlukan][Penjelasan diperlukan]

UNPROFOR dan NATO[sunting | sunting sumber]

NATO became actively involved, when its jets shot down four Serb aircraft over central Bosnia on 28 February 1994 for violating the UN no-fly zone.[122]

On 12 March 1994, the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) made its first request for NATO air support, but close air support was not deployed, owing to a number of delays associated with the approval process.[123]

On 20 March an aid convoy with medical supplies and doctors reached Maglaj, a city of 100,000 people, which had been under siege since May 1993 and had been surviving off food supplies dropped by US aircraft. A second convoy on 23 March was hijacked and looted.[121]

On 10–11 April 1994, UNPROFOR called in air strikes to protect the Goražde safe area, resulting in the bombing of a Serbian military command outpost near Goražde by 2 US F-16 jets.[115][121][123] This was the first time in NATO's history it had ever done so.[121] This resulted in the taking of 150 U.N. personnel hostage on 14 April.[115][123] On 16 April a British Sea Harrier was shot down over Goražde by Serb forces. On 15 April the Bosnian government lines around Goražde broke.[121]

Around 29 April 1994, a Danish contingent (Nordbat 2) on peacekeeping duty in Bosnia, as part of UNPROFOR's Nordic battalion located in Tuzla, was ambushed when trying to relieve a Swedish observation post (Tango 2) that was under heavy artillery fire by the Bosnian Serb Šekovići brigade at the village of Kalesija. The ambush was dispersed when the UN forces retaliated with heavy fire in what would be known as Operation Bøllebank.[petikan diperlukan]

On 12 May, the US Senate adopted Templat:USBill from Sen. Bob Dole to unilaterally lift the arms embargo against the Bosnians, but it was repudiated by President Clinton.[124][125] Templat:USPL was signed by the President on 5 October 1994 and stated that if the Bosnian Serbs had not accepted the Contact Group proposal by 15 October the President should introduce a UN Security Council proposal to end the arms embargo and that if it was not passed by 15 November only funds required by all UN members under Resolution 713 could be used to enforce the embargo, effectively ending the arms embargo.[126]

On 5 August, at the request of UNPROFOR, NATO aircraft attacked a target within the Sarajevo Exclusion Zone after weapons were seized by Bosnian Serbs from a weapons collection site near Sarajevo. On 22 September 1994 NATO aircraft carried out an air strike against a Bosnian Serb tank at the request of UNPROFOR.[115]

On 12–13 November, the US unilaterally lifted the arms embargo against the government of Bosnia.[126][127]

Operation Amanda was an UNPROFOR mission led by Danish peacekeeping troops, with the aim of recovering an observation post near Gradačac, Bosnia and Herzegovina, on 25 October 1994.[128]

On 19 November 1994, the North Atlantic Council approved the extension of Close Air Support to Croatia for the protection of UN forces in that country.[115] NATO aircraft attacked the Udbina airfield in Serb-held Croatia on 21 November, in response to attacks launched from that airfield against targets in the Bihac area of Bosnia and Herzegovina. On 23 November, after attacks launched from a surface-to-air missile site south of Otoka (north-west Bosnia and Herzegovina) on two NATO aircraft, air strikes were conducted against air defence radars in that area.[115]

1995[sunting | sunting sumber]

Bosnia and Herzegovina before the Dayton agreement
Seated from left to right: Slobodan Milošević, Alija Izetbegović and Franjo Tuđman signing the final peace agreement in Paris on 14 December 1995.

The war continued until November 1995. In July 1995 Army of Republika Srpska (VRS) forces under general Ratko Mladić occupied the UN "safe area" of Srebrenica in eastern Bosnia where around 8,000 men were killed in the Srebrenica massacre (most women were expelled to Bosniak-held territory, where some were raped and killed).[129] The United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR), represented on the ground by a 400-strong contingent of Dutch peacekeepers, Dutchbat, failed to prevent the town's capture by the VRS and the subsequent massacre.[130][131][132][133]

The ICTY ruled this event as genocide in the Krstić case. In line with the Croat-Bosniak Split Agreement, Croatian forces operated in western Bosnia in Operation Summer '95 and in early August launched Operation Storm, taking over the Serb Krajina in Croatia. With this, the Bosniak-Croat alliance gained the initiative in the war, taking much of western Bosnia from the VRS in several operations, including: Operation Mistral 2 and Operation Sana. VRS forces committed several major massacres during 1995: the Tuzla massacre on 25 May, the Srebrenica massacre and the second Markale massacre on 28 August. On 30 August, the Secretary General of NATO announced the start of in Operation Deliberate Force, widespread airstrikes against Bosnian Serb positions supported by UNPROFOR rapid reaction force artillery attacks.[134]

On 14 September 1995, the NATO air strikes were suspended to allow the implementation of an agreement with Bosnian Serbs for the withdrawal of heavy weapons from around Sarajevo.[petikan diperlukan] Twelve days later, on 26 September, an agreement of further basic principles for a peace accord was reached in New York City between the foreign ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and the FRY.[135] A 60-day ceasefire came into effect on 12 October, and on 1 November peace talks began in Dayton, Ohio.[135] The war ended with the Dayton Peace Agreement signed on 21 November 1995; the final version of the peace agreement was signed 14 December 1995 in Paris.[petikan diperlukan]

Following the Dayton Agreement, a NATO led Implementation Force (IFOR) was deployed to Bosnia-Herzegovina. This 80,000 strong unit, heavily armed and mandated to fire at will when necessary for the successful implementation of the operation, was deployed in order to enforce the peace, as well as other tasks such as providing support for humanitarian and political aid, reconstruction, providing support for displaced civilians to return to their homes, collection of arms, and mine and unexploded ordnance (uxo) clearing of the affected areas.[petikan diperlukan]

Kesan peperangan[sunting | sunting sumber]

Kematian[sunting | sunting sumber]

A grave digger at a cemetery in Sarajevo, 1992
Bosnia and Herzegovina: Percent Change of Ethnic Bosniaks from 1991 to 2013

Calculating the number of deaths resulting from the conflict has been subject to considerable, highly politicised debate sometimes "fused with narratives about victimhood", from the political elites of various groups.[136] Estimates of the total number of casualties have ranged from 25,000 to 329,000. The variations are partly the result of the use of inconsistent definitions of who can be considered victims of the war, as some research calculated only direct casualties of military activity while other research included those who died from hunger, cold, disease or other war conditions. Early overcounts were also the result of many victims being entered in both civilian and military lists because little systematic coordination of those lists took place in wartime conditions. The death toll was originally estimated in 1994 at around 200,000 by Cherif Bassiouni, head of the UN expert commission investigating war crimes.[137]

Prof. Steven L. Burg and Prof. Paul S. Shoup, writing in 1999, observed about early high figures:

The figure of 200,000 (or more) dead, injured, and missing was frequently cited in media reports on the war in Bosnia as late as 1994. The October 1995 bulletin of the Bosnian Institute for Public Health of the Republic Committee for Health and Social Welfare gave the numbers as 146,340 killed, and 174,914 wounded on the territory under the control of the Bosnian army. Mustafa Imamovic gave a figure of 144,248 perished (including those who died from hunger or exposure), mainly Muslims. The Red Cross and the UNHCR have not, to the best of our knowledge, produced data on the number of persons killed and injured in the course of the war. A November 1995 unclassified CIA memorandum estimated 156,500 civilian deaths in the country (all but 10,000 of them in Muslim- or Croat-held territories), not including the 8,000 to 10,000 then still missing from Srebrenica and Zepa enclaves. This figure for civilian deaths far exceeded the estimate in the same report of 81,500 troops killed (45,000 Bosnian government; 6,500 Bosnian Croat; and 30,000 Bosnian Serb).
—Steven L. Burg and Paul S. Shoup, The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina[138]

Angka-angka RDC[sunting | sunting sumber]

Dead or disappeared figures according to RDC
(as reported in June 2012) [1]
Total dead or disappeared
101,040
(total includes unknown status below, percentages ignore 'unknowns')
Bosniaks 62,013 61.4%
Serbs 24,953 24.7%
Croats 8,403 8.3%
Other ethnicities 571 0.6%
Civilians
38,239
(percentages are of civilian dead)
Bosniaks 31,107 81.3%
Serbs 4,178 10.9%
Croats 2,484 6.5%
Other ethnicities 470 1.2%
Soldiers
57,701
(percentages are of military dead)
Bosniaks 30,906 53.6%
Serbs 20,775 36%
Croats 5,919 10.3%
Other ethnicities 101 0.2%
Unknown status
(percentage is of all dead or disappeared)
Ethnicity unstated 5,100 5%

In June 2007, the Sarajevo-based Research and Documentation Center published extensive research on Bosnia-Herzegovina's war deaths, (also called The Bosnian Book of the Dead ), a database that initially revealed a minimum of 97,207 names of Bosnia and Herzegovina's citizens confirmed as killed or missing during the 1992–1995 war.[139][140] The head of the UN war crimes tribunal's Demographic Unit, Ewa Tabeau, has called it "the largest existing database on Bosnian war victims"[141] and it is considered the most authoritative account of human losses in the Bosnian war.[142] More than 240,000 pieces of data were collected, checked, compared and evaluated by an international team of experts[petikan diperlukan] in order to produce the 2007 list of 97,207 victims' names.

The RDC 2007 figures stated that these were confirmed figures and that several thousand cases were still being examined. All of the RDC figures are believed to be a slight undercount as their methodology is dependent on a family member having survived to report the missing relative, though the undercount is not thought to be statistically significant.[1] At least 30 percent of the 2007 confirmed Bosniak civilian victims were women and children.[139]

The RDC published periodic updates of its figures until June 2012, when it published its final report.[143] The 2012 figures recorded a total of 101,040 dead or disappeared, of whom 61.4 percent were Bosniaks, 24.7 percent were Serbs, 8.3 percent were Croats and less than 1 percent were of other ethnicities, with a further 5 percent whose ethnicity was unstated.[1]

Civilian deaths were established as 38,239, which represented 37.9 percent of total deaths. Bosniaks accounted for 81.3 percent of those civilian deaths, compared to Serbs 10.9 percent and Croats 6.5 percent.[1] The proportion of civilian victims is, moreover, an absolute minimum because the status of 5,100 victims was unestablished[1] and because relatives had registered their dead loved ones as military victims in order to obtain veteran's financial benefits or for 'honour' reasons.[144][145]

Both the RDC and the ICTY's demographic unit applied statistical techniques to identify possible duplication caused by a given victim being recorded in multiple primary lists, the original documents being then hand-checked to assess duplication.[145][146]

Some 30 categories of information existed within the database for each individual record, apart from basic personal information, these included place and date of death and (in the case of soldiers), the military unit to which the individual belonged.[145] This has allowed the database to present deaths by gender, military unit, year and region of death,[2] in addition to ethnicity and 'status in war' (civilian or soldier). The information category intended to describe which military formation caused the death of each victim, was the most incomplete and was deemed unusable.[145]

Angka-angka ICTY[sunting | sunting sumber]

Angka kematian dari ICTY [147](dikeluarkan oleh Unit Demografi pada tahun 2010)
Jumlah terbunuh
104,732
Bosniak sekitar 68,101
Serb sekitar 22,779
Croat sekitar 8,858
Lain-lain sekitar 4,995
Orang awam terbunuh
36,700
Bosniak 25,609
Serb 7,480
Croat 1,675
Lain-lain 1,935
Tentera terbunuh
68,031
(termasuk Polis)
Bosniak 42,492
Serb 15,298
Croat 7,182
Lain-lain 3,058

Penyelidikan pada tahun 2010 yang dilakukan untuk Pejabat Pendakwaan di Tribunal Hague, yang diketuai oleh Ewa Tabeau, menunjukan kesalahan pada angka-angka terdahulu dan membuat kiraan jumlah minima mangsa-mangsa adalah 89,186 orang, dengan jumlah kemungkinan sekitar 104,732 oorang.[147][148] Tabeau menyatakan angka-angka ini tidak patut dikelirukan dengan "siapa membunuh siapa", kerana sebagai contoh, ramai penduduk etnik Serb telah terbunuh di sebabkan serangan meriam oleh tentera Serb di Sarajevo, Tuzla dan bandar-bandar multi-etnik yang lain.[149] Pengarang laporan ini juga mengatakan bahawa jumlah kematian sebenar mungkin sedikit tinggi.[147][150]

Angka-angka ini tidak semata-mata berdasarkan 'kematian di medan perang', tetapi termasuk kematian akibat kemalangan yang berlaku dalam keadaan pertempuran dan tindakan di sebabkan oleh penindasan besar-besaran. Angka yang tidak dimasukkan adalah "peningkatan kematian bukan di sebabkan oleh keganasan" dan "peningkatan keganasan jenayah dan tidak terancang”. Demikian juga 'kematian tentera' termasuk kedua-dua kematian akibat pertempuran dan bukan pertempuran.[147]

Statistik lain[sunting | sunting sumber]

There are no statistics dealing specifically with the casualties of the Croat-Bosniak conflict along ethnic lines. However, according to The RDC's data on human losses in the regions, in Central Bosnia 62 percent of the 10,448 documented deaths were Bosniaks, while Croats constituted 24 percent and Serbs 13 percent. The municipalities of Gornji Vakuf and Bugojno are geographically located in Central Bosnia (known as Gornje Povrbasje region), but the 1,337 region's documented deaths are included in Vrbas regional statistics. Approximately 70–80 percent of the casualties from Gornje Povrbasje were Bosniaks. In the region of Neretva river, of 6,717 casualties, 54 percent were Bosniaks, 24 percent Serbs and 21 percent Croats. The casualties in those regions were mainly, but not exclusively, the consequence of Croat-Bosniak conflict.[petikan diperlukan]

According to the UN, there were 167 fatalities amongst UNPROFOR personnel during the course of the force's mandate, from February 1992 to March 1995. Of those who died, three were military observers, 159 were other military personnel, one was a member of the civilian police, two were international civilian staff and two were local staff.[151]

In a statement in September 2008 to the United Nations General Assembly, Dr Haris Silajdžić, said that "According to the ICRC data, 200,000 people were killed, 12,000 of them children, up to 50,000 women were raped, and 2.2 million were forced to flee their homes. This was a veritable genocide and sociocide".[152] However, Silajdžić and others have been criticised for inflating the number of fatalities to attract international support.[153] An ICRC book published in 2010 cites the total number killed in all of the Balkan Wars in the 1990s as "about 140,000 people".[154]

Many of the 34,700 people who were reported missing during the Bosnian war remain unaccounted for. In 2012 Amnesty reported that the fate of an estimated 10,500 people, most of whom were Bosnian Muslims, remained unknown.[155][156] Bodies of victims are still being unearthed two decades later. In July 2014 the remains of 284 victims, unearthed from the Tomasica mass grave near the town of Prijedor, were laid to rest in a mass ceremony in the northwestern town of Kozarac, attended by relatives.[157]

The UNCHR stated that the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina forced more than 2.2 million people to flee their homes, making it the largest displacement of people in Europe since the end of World War II.[27]

Jenayah perang[sunting | sunting sumber]

Penghapusan etnik[sunting | sunting sumber]

Taburan etnik pada peringkat perbandaran di Bosnia dan Herzegovina sebelum (1991) dan selepas perang (1998). Hijau (Bosniak), merah (Serb) dan biru (Croat)

Penghapusan etnik merupakan fenomena biasa semasa peperangan. Penindasan, pengusiran paksa dan pembunuhan ke atas etnik yang tidak dikehendaki selain memusnahkan tempat-tempat ibadat, perkuburan, dan bangunan-bangunan bersejarah dan budaya yang berkaitan dengan etnik tersebut. Ahli akademik Matjaž Klemenčič dan Mitja Žagar mengatakan: "Idea daripada para ahli politik etnik nasionalis bahawa Bosnia dan Herzegovina disusun semula berdasarkan wilayah mengikut kaum memaksa divisyen wilayah yang mempunyai penduduk bercampur kepada bahagian-bahagian mengikut etnik Muslim, Croat dan Serb".[44]

Berdasarkan pelbagai pendakwaan dan keputusan penghakiman oleh ICTY, tentera Serb[158][159][160] dan Croat[77][103][161] telah melakukan penghapusan etnik dalam wilayah kawalan mereka yang dirancang oleh pemimpin polotik untuk mewujudkan negeri-negeri etnik asli (Republik Srpska dan Herzeg-Bosnia). Tentera Serb telah melakukan kekejaman yang dikenali sebagai "Penyembelihan Srebrenica" pada akhir perang.[162] Agensi Perisikan Pusat mendakwa di dalam sebuah laporan pada tahun 1995, pihak tentera Serb Bosnia bertanggungjawab untuk 90 peratus aktiviti penghapusan etnik semasa perang.[23]

Berdasarkan bukti-bukti dari pelbagai serangan oleh HVO, Dewan Penghakiman ICTY telah memutuskan dalam kes Kordić dan Čerkez bahawa pada bulan April 1993, kepimpinan Croat memiliki sebuah rancangan unggul untuk melaksanakan penghapusan etnik Bosniak daripada Lembah Lašva di Bosnia Tengah. Dario Kordić, sebagai seorang pemimpin politik tempatan, telah didapati menjadi perancang dan orang yang memulakan rancangan ini.[103]

Walaupun secara perbandingannya adalah jarang ditemui, terdapat juga kes-kes di mana tentera pro-Bosniak telah 'memaksa kumpulan etnik lain untuk melarikan diri' semasa perang.[17]

Pembunuhan beramai-ramai[sunting | sunting sumber]

Exhumations in Srebrenica, 1996
The skull of a victim of the July 1995 Srebrenica massacre in an exhumed mass grave outside of Potočari, 2007
Rencana–rencana utama: Bosnian genocide dan Bosnian Genocide Case

A trial took place before the International Court of Justice, following a 1993 suit by Bosnia and Herzegovina against Serbia and Montenegro alleging genocide. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruling of 26 February 2007 indirectly determined the war's nature to be international, though clearing Serbia of direct responsibility for the genocide committed by the forces of Republika Srpska. The ICJ concluded, however, that Serbia failed to prevent genocide committed by Serb forces and failed to punish those responsible, and bring them to justice.[petikan diperlukan] A telegram sent to the White House on 8 February 1994 and penned by U.S. Ambassador to Croatia, Peter W. Galbraith, stated that genocide was occurring. The telegram cited "constant and indiscriminate shelling and gunfire" of Sarajevo by Karadzic's Yugoslav People Army; the harassment of minority groups in Northern Bosnia "in an attempt to force them to leave"; and the use of detainees "to do dangerous work on the front lines" as evidence that genocide was being committed.[163] In 2005, the United States Congress passed a resolution declaring that "the Serbian policies of aggression and ethnic cleansing meet the terms defining genocide".[164]

Despite the evidence of many kinds of war crimes conducted simultaneously by different Serb forces in different parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially in Bijeljina, Sarajevo, Prijedor, Zvornik, Banja Luka, Višegrad and Foča, the judges ruled that the criteria for genocide with the specific intent (dolus specialis) to destroy Bosnian Muslims were met only in Srebrenica or Eastern Bosnia in 1995.[petikan diperlukan]

The court concluded the crimes committed during the 1992–1995 war, may amount to crimes against humanity according to the international law, but that these acts did not, in themselves, constitute genocide per se.[165] The Court further decided that, following Montenegro's declaration of independence in May 2006, Serbia was the only respondent party in the case, but that "any responsibility for past events involved at the relevant time the composite State of Serbia and Montenegro".[166]

Perogolan besar-besaran and penindasan psikologi[sunting | sunting sumber]

The ethno-religious warfare in Bosnia and Herzegovina led to a widespread implementation of rape as a systematic instrument of war. Estimates of the number of women and girls raped range from 20,000 to 50,000,[167]Templat:Quote needed overwhelmingly Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim).[168][169][170] This has been referred to as "Mass rape"[171] [172][173][174][175] and occasionally "Genocidal rape",[176][177][178] particularly with regard to the coordinated use of rape as a weapon of war by Serb armed forces.[172][173][174][175][179][180] For the first time in judicial history, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) declared that "systematic rape", and "sexual enslavement" in time of war was a crime against humanity, second only to the war crime of genocide.[172]

Common complications among surviving women and girls include psychological, gynaecological and other physical disorders, as well as unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. The survivors often feel uncomfortable or sickened with men, sex and relationships; ultimately affecting the growth and development of a population or society as such (thus constituting a slow genocide according to some)[nyatakan menurut siapa?]. In accordance with the norms of Muslim society, most of the unmarried girls were virgins at the time of rape[petikan diperlukan]. Mass rapes were the most systematic in Eastern Bosnia (e.g. during the Foča and Višegrad massacres), and in Grbavica during the Siege of Sarajevo. Women and girls were kept in various detention centres where they had to live in intolerably unhygienic conditions and were mistreated in many ways including being repeatedly raped. Serb soldiers or policemen would come to these detention centres, select one or more women, take them out and rape them. All this was done in full view, in complete knowledge and sometimes with the direct involvement of the Serb local authorities, particularly the police forces. The head of Foča police forces, Dragan Gagović, was personally identified as one of the men who came to these detention centres to take women out and rape them. There were numerous rape camps in Foča. "Karaman's house" was one of the most notable rape camps. While kept in this house, the girls were constantly raped. Among the women held in "Karaman's house" there were minors as young as 12 and 14 years of age.[92][181]

Girls and women selected by convicted war criminal Dragoljub Kunarac or his men, were systematically taken to the soldiers' base, a house in Osmana Đikić Street #16, where girls and women, whom Kunarac knew were civilians, were raped by his men or by the convicted himself. Serb soldiers demonstrated a total disregard for Bosniaks in general, and Bosniak women in particular. Serb soldiers removed many Bosniak girls from various detention centres and kept some of them for various periods of time, for him or his soldiers to rape.[92]

The other example include Radomir Kovač, also convicted by the ICTY. While four girls were kept in his apartment, the convicted Radomir Kovač abused them and raped three of them many times, thereby perpetuating the attack upon the Bosniak civilian population. Kovač would also invite his friends to his apartment, and he sometimes allowed them to rape one of the girls. Kovač also sold three of the girls. Prior to their being sold, Kovač had given two of these girls to other Bosnian Serb soldiers who abused them for more than three weeks before taking them back to Kovač, who proceeded to sell one and give the other away to acquaintances of his.[92]

Prosecutions and legal proceedings[sunting | sunting sumber]

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Radovan Karadžić (left), former president of Republika Srpska, and Ratko Mladić (right), former Chief of Staff of the Army of the Republika Srpska, are currently on trial.

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was established in 1993 as a body of the UN to prosecute war crimes committed during the wars in the former Yugoslavia, and to try their perpetrators. The tribunal is an ad hoc court which is located in The Hague, the Netherlands.[182]

According to legal experts, as of early 2008, 45 Serbs, 12 Croats and 4 Bosniaks were convicted of war crimes by the ICTY in connection with the Balkan wars of the 1990s.[24] Both Serbs and Croats were indicted and convicted of systematic war crimes (joint criminal enterprise), while Bosniaks were indicted and convicted of individual ones. Most of the Bosnian Serb wartime leadership Biljana Plavšić,[183] Momčilo Krajišnik,[184] Radoslav Brđanin,[159] and Duško Tadić[185] were indicted and judged guilty for war crimes and ethnic cleansing.

The former president of Republika Srpska Radovan Karadžić is currently under trial,[186] as is Ratko Mladić, on trial by the ICTY, charged with crimes in connection with the siege of Sarajevo and the Srebrenica massacre.[187] Paramilitary leader Vojislav Šešelj has been on trial since 2007 accused of being a part of a joint criminal enterprise to ethnically cleanse large areas of Bosnia-Herzegovina of non-Serbs.[188] The Serbian president Slobodan Milošević was charged with war crimes in connection with the war in Bosnia, including grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, crimes against humanity and genocide,[189] but died in 2006 before the trial could finish.[190]

In May 2013, the ICTY found that Croatian leader Franjo Tuđman took part in the war crimes against the non-Croat population of Bosnia and Herzegovina.[191]

After the death of Alija Izetbegović, The Hague revealed that he was under investigation for war crimes; however the prosecutor did not find sufficient evidence in Izetbegović's lifetime to issue an indictment.[192] Other Bosniaks who were convicted of or are under trial for war crimes include Rasim Delić, chief of staff of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, who was sentenced to 3 years' imprisonment on 15 September 2008 for his failure to prevent the Bosnian mujahideen members of the Bosnian army from committing crimes against captured civilians and enemy combatants (murder, rape, torture).[193] Enver Hadžihasanović, a general of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, was sentenced to 3.5 years for authority over acts of murder and wanton destruction in Central Bosnia.[194] Hazim Delić was the Bosniak Deputy Commander of the Čelebići prison camp, which detained Serb civilians. He was sentenced to 18 years by the ICTY Appeals Chamber on 8 April 2003 for murder and torture of the prisoners and for raping two Serbian women.[195][196] Serbs have accused Sarajevo authorities of practicing selective justice by actively prosecuting Serbs while ignoring or downplaying Bosniak war crimes.[197]

Mourners at the reburial ceremony for an exhumed victim of the Srebrenica massacre.

Genocide at Srebrenica is the most serious war crime that any Serbs were convicted of. Crimes against humanity (i.e. ethnic cleansing), a charge second in gravity only to genocide, is the most serious war crime that any Croats were convicted of. Breaches of the Geneva Conventions is the most serious war crime that Bosniaks were convicted of.[198]

Perdamaian[sunting | sunting sumber]

Sebuah perkuburan di Mostar menggunakan bendera Tentera Republik Bosnia dan Herzegovina (kiri), bendera Bosnia dan Herzegovina, dan bendera Republik Bosnia dan Herzegovina

Pada 6 Disember 2004, presiden Serbia Boris Tadić membuat permohonan maaf di Bosnia dan Herzegovina kepada semua yang menghadapi jenayah yang dilakukan oleh etnik Serb.[199]

Presiden Croatia Ivo Josipović memohon maaf pada bulan April 2010 di atas peranan negara beliau semasa Perang Bosnia. Presiden Bosnia dan Herzegovina Haris Silajdžić memuji hubungan dengan Croatia, kenyataan yang bertentangan dengan kritikan kasar beliau ke atas Serbia sehari sebelumnya. "Saya berasa kesal kerana Republik Croatia telah menyumbang kesengsaraan kepada rakyat dan perpecahan yang masih menghantui kami sehingga hari ini", Josipović memberitahu parlimen Bosnia dan Herzegovina.[200]

Pada 31 Mac 2010, parlimen Serbia telah meluluskan sebuah deklarasi "mengutuk sekeras-kerasnya jenayah yang dilakukan pada bulan Julai 1995 menentang penduduk Bosniak di Srebrenica" dan memohon maaf kepada keluarga mangsa, pertama kalinya di kawasan ini. Usaha untuk meluluskan resolusi ini datang daripada Presiden Boris Tadić, yang mana telah berusaha untuknya meskipun isu ini sangat kontroversi dari segi politik. Pada masaa lepas, hanya kumpulan hak asasi manusia dan parti bukan nasionalis yang menyokong usaha sebegini.[201]

Civil war or a war of aggression[sunting | sunting sumber]

Due to the involvement of Croatia and Serbia, there has been a long-standing debate as to whether the conflict was a civil war or a war of aggression on Bosnia by neighbouring states. Academics Steven Burg and Paul Shoup argue that:

From the outset, the nature of the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina was subject to conflicting interpretations. These were rooted not only in objective facts on the ground, but in the political interests of those articulating them.
—Steven L. Burg and Paul S. Shoup, The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina[138]

On the one hand, the war could be viewed as "a clear-cut case of civil war – that is, of internal war among groups unable to agree on arrangements for sharing power".[138]

David Campbell is critical of narratives about "civil war", which he argues often involve what he terms "moral levelling", in which all sides are "said to be equally guilty of atrocities", and "emphasise credible Serb fears as a rationale for their actions".[202]

In contrast to the civil war explanation, Bosniaks, many Croats, western politicians and human rights organizations claimed that the war was a war of Serbian and Croatian aggression based on the Karađorđevo and Graz agreements, while Serbs often considered it a civil war.
—Steven L. Burg and Paul S. Shoup, The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina[138]

Bosnian Serbs and Bosnian Croats enjoyed substantial political and military backing from Serbia and Croatia, and the decision to grant Bosnia diplomatic recognition also had implications for the international interpretation of the conflict. As Burg and Shoup state:

From the perspective of international diplomacy and law...the international decision to recognize the independence of Bosnia-Herzegovina and grant it membership in the United Nations provided a basis for defining the war as a case of external aggression by both Serbia and Croatia. With respect to Serbia, the further case could be made that the Bosnian Serb army was under the de facto command of the Yugoslav army and was therefore an instrument of external aggression. With respect to Croatia, regular Croatian army forces violated the territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina, lending further evidence in support of the view that this was a case of aggression.
—Steven L. Burg and Paul S. Shoup, The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina[138]

Sumantra Bose, meanwhile, argues that it is possible to characterise the Bosnian War as a civil war, without necessarily agreeing with the narrative of Serb and Croat nationalists. He states that while "all episodes of severe violence have been sparked by 'external' events and forces, local society too has been deeply implicated in that violence" and therefore argues that "it makes relatively more sense to regard the 1992–95 conflict in Bosnia as a 'civil war' – albeit obviously with a vital dimension that is territorially external to Bosnia".[203]

In 2010, Bosnian Commander Ejup Ganić was detained in London on a Serbian extradition request for alleged war crimes. Judge Timothy Workman decided that Ganić should be released after ruling that Serbia's request was "politically motivated". In his decision, he characterised the Bosnian War to have been an international armed conflict as Bosnia had declared independence on 3 March 1992.[204]

Academic Mary Kaldor argues that the Bosnian War is an example of what she terms new wars, which are neither civil nor inter-state, but rather combine elements of both.[205]

Budaya popular[sunting | sunting sumber]

Filem[sunting | sunting sumber]

The Bosnian War has been depicted in a number of films including Hollywood films such as The Hunting Party, starring Richard Gere as journalist Simon Hunt in his bid to apprehend suspected war criminal and former Bosnian Serb president Radovan Karadžić; Behind Enemy Lines, loosely based on the Mrkonjić Grad incident, tells about a downed US Navy pilot who uncovers a massacre while on the run from Serb troops who want him dead; The Peacemaker, starring George Clooney and Nicole Kidman, is a story about a US Army colonel and a White House nuclear expert investigating stolen Russian nuclear weapons obtained by a revenge-fueled Yugoslav diplomat, Dušan Gavrić.

In the Land of Blood and Honey, is a 2011 American film written, produced and directed by Angelina Jolie; the film was Jolie's directorial debut and it depicts a love story set against the mass rape of Muslim women in the Bosnian War. The Spanish/Italian 2013 film Twice Born, starring Penélope Cruz, based on a book by Margaret Mazzantini. It tells the story of a mother who brings her teenage son to Sarajevo, where his father died in the Bosnian conflict years ago.

British films include Welcome to Sarajevo, about the life of Sarajevans during the siege. The Bosnian-British film Beautiful People directed by Jasmin Dizdar portrays the encounter between English families and arriving Bosnian refugees at the height of the Bosnian War. The film was awarded the Un Certain Regard at the 1999 Cannes Festival. The Spanish film Territorio Comanche shows the story of a Spanish TV crew during the siege of Sarajevo. The Polish film Demons of War (1998), set during the Bosnian conflict, portrays a Polish group of IFOR soldiers who come to help a pair of journalists tracked by a local warlord whose crimes they had taped.[petikan diperlukan]

Bosnian director Danis Tanović's No Man's Land won the Best Foreign Language Film awards at the 2001 Academy Awards and the 2002 Golden Globes. The Bosnian film Grbavica, about the life of a single mother in contemporary Sarajevo in the aftermath of systematic rape of Bosniak women by Serbian troops during the war, won the Golden Bear at the Berlin International Film Festival.

The film The Perfect Circle, directed by Bosnian filmmaker Ademir Kenović, tells the story of two boys during the Siege of Sarajevo and was awarded with the François Chalais Prize at the 1997 Cannes Festival.

The Serbian-American film Savior, directed by Predrag Antonijević, tells the story of an American mercenary fighting on the side of the Bosnian Serb Army during the war. Pretty Village, Pretty Flame directed by Serbian filmmaker Srđan Dragojević, presents a bleak yet darkly humorous account of the Bosnian War. The Serbian film Life Is a Miracle, produced by Emir Kusturica, depicts the romance of a pacific Serb station caretaker and a Muslim Bosniak young woman entrusted to him as a hostage in the context of Bosniak-Serb border clashes; it was nominated at the 2004 Cannes Festival.[petikan diperlukan]

Short films such as In the Name of the Son, about a father who murders his son during the Bosnian War, and 10 Minutes, which contrasts 10 minutes of life of a Japanese tourist in Rome with a Bosnian family during the war, received acclaim for their depiction of the war.[petikan diperlukan]

A number of Western films made the Bosnian conflict the background of their stories – some of those include Avenger, based on Frederick Forsyth's novel in which a mercenary tracks down a Serbian warlord responsible for war crimes, and The Peacemaker, in which a Yugoslav man emotionally devastated by the losses of war plots to take revenge on the United Nations by exploding a nuclear bomb in New York. The Whistleblower tells the true story of Kathryn Bolkovac, a UN peacekeeper that uncovered a human-trafficking scandal involving the United Nations in post-war Bosnia. Shot Through the Heart is a 1998 TV film, directed by David Attwood, shown on BBC and HBO in 1998, which covers the Siege of Sarajevo during the Bosnian War from the perspective of two Olympic-level Yugoslavian marksmen, one whom becomes a sniper.[petikan diperlukan]

Siri-siri drama[sunting | sunting sumber]

Siri televisyen Britain yang memenangi anugerah, Warriors, yang disiarkan di BBC One pada tahun 1999. Ia mengisahkan tentang sekumpulan pasukan pengawan Britain semasa pembersihan etnik di Lembah Lašva. Banyak peristiwa-peristiwa perang digambarkan di dalam siri drama Pakistan, Alpha Bravo Charlie, yang ditulis dan diarahkan oleh Shoaib Mansoor pada tahun 1998. Drama yang diterbitkan oleh Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) ini memaparkan beberapa peristiwa medan perang aktif dan penglibatkan para anggota tentera Pakistan dalam misi-misi pengaman PBB. Alpha Bravo Charlie disiarkan di saluran Pakistan Television Corporation (PTV).

Pada tahun 2014, sebuah permainan komputer telah dihasilkan di Poland yang bertajuk "This War of Mine". Permainan ini berdasarkan perang di Bosnia dan Herzegovina, memfokuskan pada masyarakat awam yang terselamat di dalam kota yang dikepung.[206]

Dokumentari[sunting | sunting sumber]

The BBC documentary series, The Death of Yugoslavia, covers the collapse of Yugoslavia from the roots of the conflict in the 1980s, to the subsequent wars and peace accords, a BBC book was issued with the same title. Other documentaries include Bernard-Henri Lévy's Bosna! about Bosnian resistance against well equipped Serbian troops at the beginning of the war; the Slovenian documentary Tunel upanja (A Tunnel of Hope) about the Sarajevo Tunnel constructed by the besieged citizens of Sarajevo to link Sarajevo, with Bosnian government territory; the British documentary A Cry from the Grave about the Srebrenica massacre. Portuguese director Joaquim Sapinho's documental film diary Bosnia Diaries, generated much controversy, being an unengaged European look over the Bosnian conflict in the first person.[207] Silverbullet Films worked on a documentary, Village of the Forgotten Widows, which depicts the suffering of women affected by the Srebrenica massacre. A Town Betrayed is a documentary made in 2011 by Norwegian director and independent journalists Ola Flyum and David Hebditch, which talks about the events in Srebrenica and surrounding villages from 1992 to 1995.[208] Watchers of the Sky is a 2014 documentary about the life of Raphael Lemkin and his efforts to establish genocide as a legal concept in international law. The film discusses the events in Srebrenica and General Mladić's involvement in the killings.[petikan diperlukan]

Buku[sunting | sunting sumber]

Buku bertajuk Sarajevo Blues tulisan Semezdin Mehmedinović dan Sarajevo Marlboro tulisan Miljenko Jergović adalah antara buku-buku terbaik yang ditulis semasa perang di Bosnia. Zlata's Diary adalah sebuah diari yang disimpan oleh seorang gadis muda, Zlata Filipović, yang mana mengisahkan kehidupan beliau di Sarajevo bermula pada tahun 1991 sehingga 1993. Disebabkan diari ini, beliau kadang kala dipanggil sebagai "The Anne Frank of Sarajevo". The Bosnia List oleh Kenan Trebincevic dan Susan Shapiro mengisahkan perang melalui kaca mata seorang pelarian Bosnia yang kembali ke rumah untuk pertama kali selepas 18 tahun di New York.

Works about the war include:

  • Necessary Targets (by Eve Ensler)
  • Winter Warriors – Across Bosnia with the PBI by Les Howard, a factual account by a British Territorial infantryman who volunteered to serve as a UN Peacekeeper in the latter stages of the war, and during the first stages of the NATO led Dayton Peace Accord.[209]
  • Pretty Birds, by Scott Simon, depicts a teenage girl in Sarajevo, once a basketball player on her high school team, who becomes a sniper.
  • The Cellist of Sarajevo, by Steven Galloway, is a novel following the stories of four people living in Sarajevo during the war.
  • Life's Too Short to Forgive, written in 2005 by Len Biser, follows the efforts of three people who unite to assassinate Karadzic to stop Serb atrocities.
  • Fools Rush In, written by Bill Carter, tells a story of a man who helped bring U2 to a landmark Sarajevo concert.
  • Evil Doesn't Live Here, by Daoud Sarhandi and Alina Boboc, presents 180 posters created by Bosnian artist which plastered walls during the war.
  • The Avenger by Frederick Forsyth.
  • Hotel Sarajevo by Jack Kersh.
  • Top je bio vreo by Vladimir Kecmanović, a story of a Bosnian Serb boy in the part of Sarajevo held by Bosnian Muslim forces during the Siege of Sarajevo.
  • I Bog je zaplakao nad Bosnom (And God cried over Bosnia), written by Momir Krsmanović, is a depiction of war that mainly focuses on the crimes committed by Muslim people.
  • The war in eastern Bosnia is a subject of Joe Sacco's graphic novel Safe Area Goražde.
  • Dampyr is an Italian comic book, created by Mauro Boselli and Maurizio Colombo and published in Italy by Sergio Bonelli Editore about Harlan Draka, half human, half vampire, who wages war on the multifaceted forces of Evil. The first two episodes are located in Bosnia and Herzegovina (#1 Il figlio del Diavolo) i.e. Sarajevo (#2 La stirpe della note) during the Bosnian War.
  • Blasted by playwright Sarah Kane, is in part about the Bosnian War.
  • Goodbye Sarajevo – A True Story of Courage, Love and Survival by Atka Reid and Hana Schofield and published in 2011, is the story of two sisters from Sarajevo and their separate experiences of the war.
  • Love Thy Neighbor: A Story of War (by Peter Maas), published in 1997 is his account as a reporter at the height of the Bosnian War.
  • My War Gone By, I Miss It So by Anthony Loyd is a memoir of Loyd's time spent covering the conflict as a photojournalist and writer.[210]
  • "Safe Area Gorazde" by Joe Sacco

Muzik[sunting | sunting sumber]

Lagu "Miss Sarajevo" nyanyian U2 adalah di antara lagu-lagu terbaik yang diketahui berkenaan perang di Bosnia. Lagu ini menampilkan Bono dan Luciano Pavarotti, dan mengikut Bono ia merupakan lagu yang menjadi kegemaran beliau.[211] Lagu-lagu lain termasuk "Bosnia" oleh The Cranberries dan "Sarajevo" oleh UHF.

Lihat juga[sunting | sunting sumber]

Nota[sunting | sunting sumber]

Sumber[sunting | sunting sumber]

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